On September 9, I invited Professor Oh Seon-hwa of Takushoku University to my weekly Internet TV show to exchange views on the present status of anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea. A naturalized Japanese citizen originally born on Korea’s Cheju-do Island in 1956, Ms. Oh is a respected author and journalist well versed in matters pertaining to Korea and Japan. What she revealed during our conversation made me painfully aware of the difficulties of Japan-South Korea relations.

　　　　　In view of the amicable relationship Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Park Geun-hye have enjoyed in recent months, one might feel relations between Tokyo and Seoul are better than ever. In point of fact, the two leaders held consultations in Vientiane, Laos, in a friendly atmosphere last week, sharing a commitment to cooperate with each other against the threats from China and North Korea.

　　　　　And yet, Prof. Oh declares: “Having lost much of her power, Park’s policies toward a positive relationship with Japan will most likely not see the light of day.”

　　　　　The ruling Saenuri Party barely maintains a plurality, with only 129 out of 300 seats in the National Assembly, just eight seats more than the leading opposition Minjoo Party. The government party must handle a very tough situation: no bill can be enacted without at least 60% of the lawmakers backing it, but the opposition parties hold a majority. Prof. Oh has a clear rationale for arguing that President Park’s policy toward Japan will not easily win the support of the nation or the assembly.

　　　　　On top of that, warns Ms. Oh, there are other worrisome elements aggravating anti-Japanese sentiment among South Koreans. A case in point is “Spirit’s Homecoming,” a blockbuster film portraying young Korean “comfort women” allegedly forced into sexual servitude by the Japanese military during the last war. Ms. Oh explains:

　　　　　“In the first ten days of its release last February, 2 million South Koreans saw it, and the total number of those who have seen it had reached 3.5 million by the end of June.”

　　　　　So far, at least 7% of South Korea’s 51 million population have seen the movie. A stunning box office success indeed, but it is based on a fiction which is indescribably nonsensical, unfounded on historical facts. Ms. Oh has this to say about the movie’s plots:

　　　　　“One day during the war, Japanese soldiers come to a Korean village and try to abduct a 14-year-old girl while her parents are out. She resists fiercely, but is subdued and taken to a Japanese military camp. There, she sees a large number of young girls of her age abducted by the Japanese military who are forced to provide sex to Japanese soldiers…”

Goddess-Like Presence

　　　　　This movie is just as wildly fictitious as the stories made up by the late author Seiji Yoshida and promoted by the Asahi Shimbun. (In 2014 the Asahi retracted its reporting on Yoshida’s “confessions” of his recruitment of “comfort women.”) Not content with only falsely portraying the coercive recruitment of “comfort women,” the movie depicts other fictitious atrocities as well.

　　　　　“The girls are forced to provide sex day in and day out. Some try to escape or just fall ill. In the end the girls are made to sit on the edge of a large pit, shot en masse, and thrown into the pit—including some who are still alive. The soldiers then pour gasoline into the pit and incinerate them.”

　　　　　Why do millions of South Koreans go to see this absurd movie? Explains Ms. Oh:

　　　　　“One factor is the political backdrop in South Korea. Seoul Mayor Park Won-soon has passionately recommended that Koreans of all ages see it. Groups from nursing homes, grade schools, and junior high schools have viewed it. In the absence of enough movie theaters, the mayor made his city’s auditoriums and other public facilities available for screenings.”

　　　　　Listening to Ms. Oh, I was reminded of the book Chinese Comfort Women (Oxford University Press; 2014) by Professor Su Zhiliang of Shanghai Normal University and his colleagues, which also is based on absurd fabrications of historical facts. The opening chapter is surprisingly similar to what is depicted in “Spirit’s Homecoming”: Japanese soldiers come to a Chinese village, coercively take a 15-year-old girl to a military camp while her parents are out, and force her to immediately provide sex to Japanese soldiers.

　　　　　China today plays a leading role in the “history war” waged against Japan across the international community, “coaching” South Korea. “Spirit’s Homecoming” is an example of this. China and South Korea have been stepping up their attacks on Japan in recent years. Warns Ms. Oh:

　　　　　“Japanese assert there is no proof of the Japanese military having coercively recruited ‘comfort women.’ There are some sober South Korean scholars who are of the same opinion. There are also many among senior Korean citizens familiar with the things of the past who know the women were not forcibly recruited. If one says or writes such things, one will be sure to be subject to severe social retribution. Because they know this, people shut their mouths, allowing nonsensical movies such as ‘Spirit’s Homecoming’ to be produced in the meanwhile.”

　　　　　Ms. Oh also remarks that the Korean Internet is full of emotional reviews of the movie, such as: “I’ve finally come to know the truth (about “comfort women”); this movie taught me the hitherto-concealed truth; or I couldn’t stop the tears from flowing.” She goes on to say:

　　　　　“While voices telling the truth are choked off, the number of those convinced that the movie is fact increases. It is indeed an unfortunate turn of events—both for Japan and South Korea. Against this backdrop, a strange thing is taking place. ”

　　　　　The strange development of which Ms. Oh speaks is the seeming deification of “comfort women” in 50-odd statues and images produced all around South Korea.

　　　　　Ms. Oh notes that “The girls are portrayed as extremely beautiful and serene. They look like professional models, and are increasingly revered almost as goddesses. We now face new circumstances in which anti-Japanese sentiment is enflamed among South Koreans. South Koreans live in a highly emotional society. I think Japanese will find it extremely difficult to get their message across to them no matter how rational they may try to be.”

“Island of Forced Labor”

　　　　　“Spirit’s Homecoming” is not the only film boosting anti-Japanese feelings among the public.

　　　　　“A movie is being filmed,” continues Ms. Oh, “about Gunkanjima (‘Battleship Island’ formally called Hashima Island) off Nagasaki. This film revolves around the Japanese requisition and recruitment of Korean laborers during the war—and the forced labor the Koreans claim they were subject to.”

　　　　　Fresh in our memory is Seoul’s intervention when Tokyo attempted to register Gunkanjima as a UNESCO World Cultural Heritage site. Although the island had absolutely nothing to do with the forced labor of South Koreans, Seoul somehow managed to get Japan to insert a sentence effectively admitting that some Koreans were put to forced labor on this island during the war.

　　　　　“Meanwhile, the systematic indoctrination of South Korean children against Japan has been pursued in the schools,” points out Ms. Oh.

　　　　　Ms. Oh introduced several drawings by Korean school children that made my heart ache with shock and sadness. The drawings depicted the Japanese national flag being stomped on, or being torn apart with a cooking knife. There was also a drawing of Japan being obliterated with bombs as well as one of a funeral following Japan’s annihilation.

　　　　　What is the Korean school education intending to achieve by encouraging pupils and students to do such drawings? With such an unhealthy spiritual education, I don’t think South Korea can expect to nurture children who can be entrusted with the future of their country. This, I think, is a very sad situation for South Koreans.

　　　　　Leaving this problem unresolved will truly be unfortunate for both Japan and South Korea. The Japanese government must pay closer attention to what further impact these two movies—“Spirit’s Homecoming” and “Gunkanjima”—will have on Korean society, as well as the status of anti-Japanese education in South Korea’s schools, reminding Seoul whenever necessary of the truth about Japan’s conduct during the war.

　　　　　Undoubtedly, Gunkanjima will be depicted as an island of forced labor in the new movie. But Japan must have records left to prove that during those unfortunate times in our past, Japanese and Koreans generally lived and worked closely together in many areas across Japan, including Gunkanjima. What is required of the Abe administration is a determination to actively disseminate such information across the international community. The additional US$5 million allocated to the Foreign Ministry for “dissemination of pertinent information on Japan” must rightfully be used for such purposes.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 721 in the September 22, 2016 issue of The Weekly Shincho)