“I strongly believe Japan should more positively involve itself with its former colonies and other spheres of influence. I think Japan should emulate a nation like France, which has been actively and responsibly involved with its former colonies since the end of the last war.”

　　　　　These are observations by Mongolian-born, naturalized ethnologist Yang Hai-ying (52), who teaches at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Science of Shizuoka University.

　　　　　Prof. Yang is a recipient of two prestigious literary awards: the Kashiyama Junzo Award in 2015 for Chibetto ni Mau Nihontou (“Japanese Swords and Mongolian Cavalry”) (Bungei Shunju Ltd.; 2014), and the Shiba Ryotaro Award in 2010 for Bohyou naki Sougen (“Steppes without Graves—Oral Histories of the Chinese Revolution”) (Iwanami Shoten; 2009). Born in the high plains of Ordus, Inner Mongolia, Yang first came to study in Japan in 1989, renouncing his Mongolian citizenship in 2000. He is married to a Japanese.

　　　　　In a series of lengthy volumes entitled The Great Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region: A Record of Genocide (Fukyo-sha; 2009~2016), Prof. Yang has compiled more than 7,000 pages of detailed reports based on Chinese government documents and the testimony of victims.

　　　　　What prompts this scholar, who has painstakingly traced the history of Mongolia, China, and Japan, to advocate Japan’s greater involvement with the Korean Peninsula, Taiwan, the former Manchuria, and Inner Mongolia?

　　　　　“There are bound to be people who object to my advocacy, claiming that Japan must first reflect on its own past conduct before getting more proactively involved with its former colonies,” Remarks Prof. Yang. “But self-reflection alone does not solve the problems we face. Look at the international geopolitical situation today, and one can readily see why Japan must more constructively get involved with the nations and peoples in its former spheres of influence.”

　　　　　Analyzing the ethnic problems in today’s China from both Mongolian and Uyghur points of view, Yang goes on to explain why Japan’s “involvement” is necessary at this stage, noting:

　　　　　“Mongolian politicians and intellectuals generally regard Inner Mongolia in modern times as a ‘double colony’ of China and Japan.”

　　　　　To be precise, Inner Mongolia was in the Japanese sphere of influence, but was never actually a Japanese colony. However, for reasons that will be explained later, the Mongolian intelligentsia generally feel that Inner Mongolia constituted a Japanese colony “in a good sense,” according to Yang.

China in Mongolia “Forever”

　　　　　Han Chinese began flocking to the Mongolian steppes from around the end of the 19th century, wresting land from the natives and cultivating it at will. In Steppes without Graves, Yang points out that the Han Chinese who mercilessly plundered land from Mongolians gradually developed a mentality regarding genocide as a justifiable means of becoming wealthy.

　　　　　It was only natural that the Mongolians began a resistance movement. The Japanese became involved in Mongolia after the Russo-Japanese War. Then in 1932, Japan created Manchukuo.

　　　　　“In Manchukuo, the Japanese built many schools, ranging from elementary school to university,” explains Yang. “For the first time in Mongolian history, the people received systematic education, with brilliant students given the chance to study at colleges and universities in Japan, including the prestigious Tokyo University.”

　　　　　Yang says the Imperial Military Academy was the most popular of the many educational institutions available in Japan. I will leave the details to Yang’s The Japanese Army and Mongolia (Chuokoron Shinsha; 2015), but suffice it to say that his reference to the Military Academy may be totally unexpected to many in view of the historical perspective that regards Japan’s pre-war and wartime conduct, including the creation of Manchukuo, as almost entirely evil. Yang has this to say about this point:

　　　　　“The historical perspective that colonialism was evil may prevail among the Japanese, but Mongolians have a different view. Mongolians aspired to gain independence from China by winning the cooperation of Japan, which had made its spectacular debut on the international stage as the modern Asian state that defeated Russia. While most Asian nations aspired to be liberated from Western colonialism, encouraged by Japan’s victory, what the nomads in Central Eurasia longed for was independence from China. To the nomads, Russians were comrades, and Japanese reliable new allies. That is the truth about Mongolia’s modern history.”

　　　　　However, Japan was defeated in World War II, and China has gone on to stay put in Mongolia “forever,” laments Yang.

　　　　　After 1949, when China established the People’s Republic of China, hordes of Han Chinese began immigrating to Mongolia in far greater numbers than before. As of 1949, Mongolians in Mongolia numbered approximately 800,000 versus 2.5 million Chinese. Today, however, Han Chinese number nearly 30 million. In our conversation, Yang would not say what fierce oppression Mongolians have had to endure, or how they have been massacred. However, he has this to say in Steppes without Graves:

　　　　　“The outside forces that have invaded and colonized Mongolia are China (Han Chinese) and Japan. It was also China and Japan that ruled Mongolia, dividing it into Outer and Inner Mongolia. But only China has committed genocide.”

　　　　　Marking the 50th anniversary of the Great Cultural Revolution (1966~1976), Prof. Yang this year published China’s Great Cultural Revolution and the International Community. In this miscellany, he depicts how China sought to export its revolutionary ideas to a large number of nations, including some in South America, Southeast Asia, and Africa, as well as Nepal, Japan, France, and England.

　　　　　“What strikes me as very strange is that in the academia and mass media of Japan, those who once passionately supported and valued the Great Cultural Revolution are now strangely silent,” remarks Yang.

　　　　　This, I believe, is Yang’s criticism of those who have failed to sincerely face up to the fact that they have been mistaken in their interpretation of, or reporting on, China. This may also be a reflection of his concern that Sinological research in Japan may be seriously misdirected without being able to scrutinize the errors that have been committed.

National Self-Determination

　　　　　Prof. Yang also points out that Japanese are neglecting the importance the Yalta Agreement occupies as regards historical issues. In 2005, sixty years after the end of World War II, President Bush visiting Riga, capital of Latvia, described the 1945 accord as the “biggest mistake” the US committed during the war. Apparently, Bush meant to say that Yalta was an opportunity for the US to shape the framework of the post-war international community more in its favor, but that President Franklin Roosevelt made excessive compromises in order to drag Russia into the war against Japan, misjudging the danger of communism.

　　　　　Under the Yalta Agreement, the “southern part of Sakhalin” as well as the entire chain of the Kurile Islands, Japanese territory at the time, were consigned to Russia—arrangements that to this day continue to affect Japan. Yang takes issue with the Yalta arrangement in terms of its impact on the independence and self-determination of Japan and its people.

　　　　　Yang bases his position on the fact that, while nations colonized by members of the Free World have achieved self-determination following the end of the war, those ruled by Stalin or Mao Zedong have not. He observes:

　　　　　“After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the five central Asian nations achieved independence, allowing them to determine their future. China is the only country at this juncture that has not ended its colonial-like domination of other peoples, in many cases fortifying and expanding its domination. Not only Inner Mongolia, Uyghur, and Tibet, but Laos and some African nations are also in danger of effectively becoming Chinese colonies. Even Okinawa cannot be excluded from this discussion.”

　　　　　As noted earlier, this year marks the 50th year since China’s Great Cultural Revolution started, and the 25th year since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Next year will be the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution. Hopefully, an effective way to support the peoples oppressed by China can be found by vigorously delving deeply into the harmful effects of communism and the Yalta Agreement. This, I believe, will lead to a true understanding of what Prof. Yang means by Japan having to become “more proactively involved with” those nations and areas that were once in the Japanese sphere of influence.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 701 in the April 21, 2016 issue of The Weekly Shincho)