More than three weeks after the gigantic earthquake and tsunami hit northeast Japan on March 11, Japan continues to face a disaster of major proportions, suffering from a widening fear of radioactive contamination from the crippled nuclear power plant in Fukushima Prefecture. To shore up rescue and relief operations, Prime Minister Naoto Kan has added 6,000 Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF) reservists to some 100,000 JSDF troops already mobilized. Under such abnormal circumstances, requiring a deployment of nearly half of Japan’s military strength to cope with the worst national catastrophe in the recorded history of our nation, we are reminded of some important points pertaining to the stark reality of the international community.

　　　First and foremost, while the international community generally demonstrates goodwill and willingly offers a helping hand when a nation is in trouble as Japan is today, it is also true that there are nations that think nothing of maliciously attempting to take advantage of a nation seriously handicapped by a national catastrophe such as this. After all, the international community is always made up of both friends and adversaries.

　　　Let us examine the nature of support extended by the United States, Russia, and China. It must first be pointed out that, in each of these countries -€ and, incidentally, elsewhere around the world -€ the people have unanimously turned out to be good Samaritans, willingly and vigorously widening circles of support. Even in China, where anti-Japanese sentiments have always beenﾂ黴€ strong, numerous voices have been heard expressing sympathy and offeringﾂ黴€ assistance. We will never forget the friendship of these hundreds of millions of ordinary people around the globe.

　　　In contrast, however, we have come to understand that governments have acted differently, each demonstrating its own characteristics. For instance, President Barak Obama has vowed: “Japan is our friend and ally. The United States stands ready to help Japan in any way we can……We will stand with the people of Japan as they contain this crisis, recover from this hardship, and rebuild their great nation.”

　　　True to the President’s words, the U.S. swiftly took steps to offer Japan the largest and quickest aid and relief support of all nations, with its armed forces working in tandem with the JSDF to cope with the devastation resulting from the earthquake and tsunami, as well as the worsening situation resulting from the radiation leaks at the badly damaged Fukushima nuclear power plant.

　　　Approximately 18,000 American troops have been mobilized to date to aid Japan, together with a total of 19 U.S. warships, including the nuclear-powered USS Ronald Reagan, 140 aircraft, a 144-member U.S. International Development Agency rescue team, and 39 experts on nuclear power generation. Additionally, a unit of some 450 specialists trained in radiation management will soon be dispatched to Japan by the Marine’s Chemical/Biological Incident Response Force (CBIRF). Powerful support has been given by the U.S. armed forces, as men of the JSDF take the lead in hosing the overheated nuclear reactors at Fukushima in their fight against the invisible enemy -€ radiation.

　　　To safely cool down the reactors, sea water -€ previously used to douse the reactors -€ must be washed away with fresh water as soon as possible. Fresh water must also be injected instead of sea water, which could cause the spraying equipment to seize up and corrode. Such a need is expected to be filled by two barges offered by the U.S., equipped with special functions to inject a combined total of 2 million liters of fresh water. The barges have already left the U.S. naval base of Yokosuka in central Japan en route to the seas off Fukushima.

　　　On March 27, an LNG tanker entered the northern port of Hachinohe for the first time since the quake, thanks to Commander Task Force 76 of the U.S. Navy, which has ships and men properly equipped to remove underwater obstacles. The availability of LNG will significantly add to the operations of local thermal power plants, strengthening their ability to make up for power shortage resulting from the aftermath of the disaster.

Fierce Clash of National Interests

　　　At the Sendai airport, which had been destroyed by the tsunami, provisional use of its 1,500-meter (5,000-foot) runway began on March 18. There, a C130 U.S. Forces transport aircraft touched down to bring in relief goods including food and water for the first time since the quake. The airport has since been functioning as a base to transport relief goods. It was thanks to the cooperation of the U.S. Forces that the use of the runway became possible just a week after the disaster.

　　　Needless to say, frantic recovery operations by the JSDF, fire departments, police, and the local government were certainly significant. But there is no denying that friendly cooperation from the U.S. constituted big and powerful support, convincing one that Japan is indeed fortunate to have a true friend like the U.S. at this time of dire need.

　　　The Russian and Chinese governments also offered a helping hand. Premier Vladimir Putin, calling Japan “our friendly neighbor,” ordered the Russian Emergency Ministry to dispatch a 75-man rescue team. Then on March 15, in order to help address Japan’s longer term energy needs, Putin said Russia would be willing to allocate natural gas produced off Sakhalin for export to Japan, indicating Russia would aim at starting production by 2020, with the government-controlled Gasprom Neft playing a central role. In addition, it apparently intends to expand an LNG plant at the Sakhalin 2 gas field by 2015, with plans to increase exports to Japan from this location as well. (The Mainichi Shimbun, March 19, reported by staff writer Hitoshi Ohmae.)

　　　However, Ohmae pointed out that Russia’s offer of “assistance” to Japan is “fundamentally designed to promote natural resource development domestically, instead of providing Japan what it really needs -€ petroleum.” In other words, Russia’s real purpose in offering LNG to Japan is domestic resource development, i.e., increased gains for its own businesses, while nominally taking the form of aid to disaster-hit Japan.

　　　On March 25, President Dmitry Medvedev made a statement -€ rather annoying to many Japanese -€ in connection with the Fukushima complex: “There should be international restrictions, especially in areas where powerful earthquakes and tsunamis are possible…The rules and standards (for construction of nuclear power plants) should be common (to all nations).” Emphasizing the alleged safety and trustworthiness of Russian-made nuclear power plants, Medvedev declared that an accident on the scale of Fukushimaﾂ黴€ represented “a danger for neighboring states and for our planet as a whole.”

　　　Depending on what this may lead to, these remarks by the Russian president could possibly work to contain Japanese nuclear technology in the international market. As can be seen in such a case, the Russian gesture of aid to Japan hardly reflects the nation’s genuine goodwill. Rather, it reflects a fierce clash of national interests already at play behind the scenes.

　　　There is no denying that the Fukushima problem represents a potential crisis for mankind beyond just one nation:that is why a brilliant solution is urgently called for. However, Russia clearly is taking advantage of Japan’s plight and has indicated an interest in establishing an international framework which can drive resource-short Japan into a corner.

　　　In marked contrast, the U.S. assigned Admiral Patrick Walsh, Commander of the U.S. Navy’s Pacific Fleet headquartered in Honolulu, Hawaii, to set up an Operational Command Center for relief operations at Yokota U.S. air base outside Tokyo, putting the Commander of the U.S. Forces in Japan under him. At present, a joint U.S.-Japan system of all-out cooperation is under way.

　　　The U.S. forces congregated three warships, including the amphibious assault ship Essex, in the Japan Sea off Sakata, Yamagata Prefecture. From there, a team of marines normally stationed in Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, has been dispatched to Miyagi Prefecture to engage in relief and restoration operations at the Sendai airport. As the joint U.S.-Japan operations were fully underway, Russia sent a reconnaissance plane flying provocatively close to Japanese air space.

Japan Should Lodge a Strong Protest

　　　The Russian government sent jet fighters flying close to Japanese air space twice after the earthquake. The first near incursion was by an electronic surveillance plane on March 17; this was followed by another incident four days later on March 21, when another electronic surveillance plane and an SU-27 jet fighter challenged Japanese air space. Obviously, they were on an information-gathering and reconnaissance mission, while testing the degree of Japan’s air preparedness as the whole nation struggled with an unprecedented national crisis. JSDF planes scrambled to prevent the intrusion of Japanese air space by the Russian planes. It is a cold reality of the international community that a nation constantly faces the peril of being taken advantage of, as soon as it shows any signs of weakness.

　　　China has behaved more or less the same way as Russia. In the East China Sea on March 26, a helicopter aboard a maritime survey ship of the China National Oceanic Bureau approached the JSDF escort ship Isoyuki, coming within 60 meters (200 feet) in altitude and a distance of 90 meters (295 feet), circling near the Japanese ship once. It was a dangerous act in plain violation of international law. These incidents plainly show that there is no change in the fundamental Russian and Chinese strategies towards Japan -€ national catastrophe or not.

　　　Takashi Uto, a diet member of the opposition Liberal-Democratic Party who was formerly with the Japan Air Self Defense Force, points out that, with nearly half of Japan’s armed forces being deployed in eastern Japan, one should not rule out the possibility of weakened national defense mechanisms in regions like the Northern Territories and Okinawa. If so, a resolute political will to secure national defense and security measures under the current circumstances is needed more strongly than ever.

　　　Sadly, that can hardly be expected of Mr. Kan. Unfortunately, as the man in charge of Japan, he could not be expected to have the political ability or will to assume responsibility for national security as his nation faces an unparalleled catastrophe. Foreign Minister Takeaki Matsumoto appears to be in the same boat. Informed of the Russian provocation near Japanese air space, Matsumoto told reporters he would not lodge any protest with the Russian government, declaring:”I just wish to regard as genuine the kind thoughts behind the Russian government’s expression of sympathy as well as its offer of assistance.”

　　　As can be seen in the reactions of Russia and China to the earthquake of March 11, national interests in international politics cannot be as “fair and open” as Kan once said he wants them to be, nor are they lined with goodwill alone, as Mr. Matsumoto obviously believes they are. On the contrary, it is the harsh reality of the international community that each nation embraces its own national interests that are, more often than not, closed and exclusive in nature in keeping with the dogma and self-interest of the respective nation. Because they fail to come to grips with such a simple and basic fact, neither the prime minister nor the foreign minister can tell the difference between an ally and an adversary.

　　　I believe it appropriate for Foreign Minister Matsumoto to immediately and strongly protest against both Russia and China for their provocative acts bordering on violation of international law while being thankful for their gestures of aid extended to the victims of the quake and tsunami. And, once that is done, Prime Minister Kan should by all means express to the U.S. -€ in no ambiguous terms -€ the heartfelt thanks of the Japanese government and its people for coming up with “Operation Tomodachi (Friends),” now being carried out on a massive scale as Japan’s true friend genuine in its desire to help the Japanese withstand, recover, and rebuild their lives and nation from the most devastating natural disaster ever recorded in the history of Japan.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 455 in the April 7, 2011 issue of The Weekly Shincho.)ﾂ黴€ﾂ黴€