The Ryukyu Shimpo, a major daily in Okinawa Prefecture, carried a story last February 3 with remarks by a local business tycoon which most people would find shocking. The comments were representative of the illogical and absurd nature of the current relationship between Okinawa and Japan proper. Koichiro Kuniba, former chairman of Okinawa’s largest construction company, Kuniba Gumi, was quoted as saying: “To those of us in Okinawa, the Chinese are our relatives and the Japanese our friends. From now on, we hope to cement relations with our ‘relatives.’”

　　　Although he himself is a Japanese citizen, Kuniba regards the Japanese, fondly referred to as the “Yamatonchu” in Okinawa, as “mere friends,” flatly denying he is of the same blood as the Japanese and claiming the Chinese are his “blood relatives.” Covering Okinawa as a journalist, one often is keenly reminded of the existence of deep-rooted mistrust and rejection of Japan, if not so blunt as exemplified by Kuniba’s statement, alongside a strange sense of affinity towards the Chinese. And yet, there also does exist gentle empathy towards Japan, reminding one of the complexity of Okinawan sentiments towards Japan as their “mother country.”

　　　The media in Okinawa undoubtedly has had no small role to play in fostering these perverted feelings, causing their readers to regard -€ of all peoples -€ the Chinese, who never cease to pose a threat to Japan, as their blood relatives. One cannot help seriously questioning the credibility of reporting by two of Okinawa’s largest dailies, the Ryukyu Shimpo and the Okinawa Times, in particular.

　　　Let us review some of the examples of questionable stories:
　　　On April 13, North Korea’s Kim Jong-un regime launched a ballistic missile, calling it a satellite. Although the launch turned out to be an abject failure, the Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF) took the necessary preparations in Okinawa to assume responsibility for the nation’s defense. Because the missile was scheduled to fly in the direction of Okinawa according to plans announced by Pyongyang, the JSDF deployed the PAC3 (Patriot Advanced Capacity-3) surface-to-air guided air defense system in Okinawa for the first time as a precautionary measure.

　　　The Ryukyu Shimpo criticized this action in an April 5 editorial:
　　　“As many as 900 JSDF personnel, including those belonging to missile defense batteries, have landed in Okinawa, making it look as though war was imminent. Witnessing the weird contrast of the ominous line of dark green JSDF transport vehicles running alongside rental cars driven by tourists on the streets of Okinawa, citizens must certainly have felt unduly uneasy about what was in the offing.”

What Is the Threat, Who Is the Adversary?

　　　In point of fact, the real cause of such anxiety was not the JSDF’s PAC-3 air defense system brought into Okinawa, but the warning by North Korea about its planned launch of the missile. Without differentiating the cause and effect, however, the editorialist wrote nonchalantly:

　　　“Japan and the United States must work in closer cooperation with China and Russia, which remain influential with North Korea, intensify diplomatic pressure, and force Pyongyang to ultimately give up the launch.”

　　　With due respect to the editorialist, serious efforts have actually been made over the years by the international community to apply diplomatic pressure aimed at having Pyongyang reconsider its military-first policy. However, China and Russia have always stood on North Korea’s side, incessantly defending its barbaric acts. For instance, when North Korea sank the South’s patrol ship Cheonan on March 26, 2010, and when it bombarded Yeonpyeong Island on November 23 the same year, China and Russia together prevented the adoption of UN resolutions, eviscerating any meaningful attempts at reining in North Korea.

　　　The primary reason North Korea has been able to act as it likes is the implicit and explicit support China and Russia have continued to provide. Therefore, while it is important to continue seeking their cooperation, it is simply impossible to check North Korea through the method advocated by the Ryukyu Shimpo editorialist. That is why it is all the more pertinent for a nation like Japan, restricted by its constitution from attacking enemy bases, to develop as reliable an air defense system as possible, such as the PAC-3. Incredibly, however, the editorialist had something starry-eyed to add:

　　　“The Defense Ministry should fully recognize that any responses reflecting Tokyo’s military-first principles will have a number of negative effects on Okinawan society.”

　　　What does the editorialist really recognize as the threat to Okinawa -€ and Japan, for that matter -€ and as the enemy? The JSDF troops were dispatched to protect Okinawa in the first place. It is the JSDF’s primary responsibility to protect the Japanese people from any military threats; the PAC-3 batteries were dispatched for that very purpose. However, the Ryukyu Shimpo absolutely made light of this vital underlying factor in national security, singularly emphasizing the validity of its sentiments against the JSDF. Such an editorial posture would seem to contribute to inevitably preventing its readers from engaging in intelligent consideration of the pertinent matters involved, ultimately causing public opinion to be swept along by emotion. Why is it that the daily holds on to its policy of a total rejection of the JSDF without once attempting to value to the slightest extent the efforts the Japanese government made to dispatch the troops, as well as the job they did to protect Okinawans during the crisis?

　　　Unreported Okinawa (Kadokawa Gakugei Shuppan Ltd, Tokyo; April 2012), a 199-page book on Okinawa by Masashi Miyamoto, Naha bureau chief of the conservative mass-circulation newspaper Sankei, is a comprehensive guide to the island prefecture’s past and present. Having scrupulously tackled the complexities of Okinawa, Miyamoto has done a superb job of depicting the evolution of Okinawa, starting with the period before it became so helplessly twisted psychologically as it is today.

　　　According to Miyamoto, it was the Teachers’ Association of Okinawa that was in the vanguard of the “Revert to Japan” movement that took place while the US was in control of Okinawa. Hoisting the rising sun flag of Japan as the symbol of its reversion movement, the association taught children the importance of having a passionate loyalty towards the mother country of Japan. The association was then a body absolutely unrelated to and unimaginable from what it has subsequently ended up being -€ the thoroughly anti-Japanese Okinawa Prefectural Teachers Union.

　　　Its degeneration occurred as an extension of the fierce storm of struggle against the US-Japan Security Treaty involving teachers and students alike that raged across Japan proper in the 1960s and early ‘70s. Anti-establishment activists, academicians, and members of the liberal mass media poured into Okinawa in droves, totally transforming the original pro-Japanese line of the Teachers’ Association of Okinawa. Miyamoto eloquently describes this process.

The Real Opinion of the Local People

　　　The association was once based on a strong desire shared among its members to revert to Japan. But it was literally taken over by left-wing radicals over time, eventually becoming the Okinawa Prefectural Teachers’ Union, after joining the leftist-dominated Japan Teachers’ Union (JTU). The JTF　developed tenacious and often bloody struggles against US military bases in Japan and engaged in a wide range of anti-Japanese campaigns. One such campaign was a determined effort towards anti-Japanese education. Forty years after the reversion to Japanese rule, and as a result of anti-Japanese education pursued during that span of time, Okinawa has ended up producing a number of teaching professionals and journalists with claims such as: “We reverted to Japan only because Japan seemed slightly better than the US.” Or: “China would have been just fine (as a country for Okinawa to revert to).” Or: “Okinawa has always been the aggrieved party in the relationship. Therefore, it is only natural for Japan to assume full responsibility.”

　　　Huge has been the role that the media has played in Okinawa, which has over the years transformed itself into an arena of fierce political struggle. In his book, Miyamoto sharply points out the inclination for bias on the part of the Okinawan media, throwing light on the modus operandi of its reporting, which presents anti-base movement in the island prefecture as though it is supported by most citizens when it actually is not. Especially convincing is his brilliant analysis of arbitrary news stories published about matters involving the so-called Futenma problem.

　　　Miyamoto also conducted elaborate research concerning the Henoko District of Nago City, which has been designated as the new location for the US Marine air base currently situated in Futenma, Ginowan City. Under the helm of Mayor Susumu Inamine, Nago City has expressed its determination to oppose the base’s relocation. But the local media has failed to mention that many of the local residents are actually in favor of the base.

　　　I would assume the local press in Okinawa ought to be well aware of this. And yet, because their reportorial stance has always been anti-base, they simply have chosen to ignore ideas and opinions not matching theirs. Meanwhile, when reporters from the national press come to Okinawa, they visit Naha City or Nago City, but seldom bother to extend their trips to the Henoko area to report on what really is happening there. Presumably, most of the bureaucrats and politicians sent by the government to Okinawa never go beyond Nago City, failing to recognize the real opinion of the local residents who actually would not mind hosting an American air base in their hometown. Thanks to Miyamoto’s detailed coverage, readers of his book get a full view of the opinions of the hitherto neglected residents of the pertinent locale willing to accept the base.

　　　Miyamoto also does an outstanding job depicting the part base-related moneys have played in the Okinawan economy. Japan’s political world has over the years treated Okinawa with kid gloves and always been more than willing to settle delicate matters with money, without bothering to expound on the vital implications for national defense. Consequently, it can be said that such a political posture has deeply been ingrained in all of the people directly involved in Okinawa-related matters, those who give money and those who receive it alike, leading to a general depravity of mind. I would sincerely like for all politicians, including former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, to read this hard-hitting book as they reflect on how they should deal with the complicated issues which Okinawa faces today.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 509 in the May 17, 2012 issue of The Weekly Shincho)