What can be done to secure a stable succession to the Imperial Throne? This is a serious problem affecting the Japanese Imperial Household which has only one young prince eligible to succeed the throne when he comes of age -€ Prince Hisahito, now five years old. The government is studying plans to allow female members of the Imperial Family to create their own branches of the family after marriage to solve the problem. However, can it really be a “solution”? Journalist Yoshiko Sakurai, who opposed the proposal during a recent government hearing, points out some grave problems concerning the plan.

　　　On April 10, I was interviewed during a “wise men’s hearing” on matters relating to the Imperial Household system, set up by Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda earlier this year as “a matter of extreme urgency.” The specific point of the hearing was whether female members of the Imperial Family should be allowed to create their own branches of the family after marrying outsiders and still retain royal status -€ a topic that engulfed the nation in 2005.

　　　Consideration of creating female-line branches of the Imperial Family began in 2005, when a panel headed by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda under instructions from Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, proposed it in tandem with approval of matrilineal Emperors. As is widely known in Japan, any contemplation of allowing female-line successors to the throne -€ which would have drastically changed the centuries-old tradition of the Japanese Imperial Household -€ vanished after Princess Akishino’s pregnancy and the expected arrival of a baby boy were made public. Last October 5, however, Grand Steward Shingo Haketa called on Prime Minister Noda to request afresh that the government study establishment of female-line branches of the Imperial Family, describing the issue as “a matter of great urgency.”

　　　Some 50 days later, on November 25, the news about Haketa’s request was made public by the conservative Yomiuri newspaper in an exclusive scoop. Thanks mainly to subsequent reports by another mass circulation daily, the Asahi, and a press conference hosted on the same day by Chief Cabinet Secretary Osamu Fujimura, it was revealed that Haketa’s request was made for purposes including realization “of a stable succession to the Imperial throne” and “effective support of the activities of the members of the Imperial Family.”

　　　There certainly is a possibility that Prince Hisahito will one day end up being the only member of the Imperial Family. This will be the case if female members of the family, including his two elder sisters Princess Mako and Princess Kako, marry outside the family and lose imperial status under the present Imperial Household Law. It is very natural for a nation with a centuries-old tradition like Japan to try and reverse the law in order to increase the members of the family so as to cope effectively with this unprecedented situation. Japan’s Imperial Family, now comprising 23 members, including Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko, is rapidly thinning down.

　　　It is crucial that every effort be made to retain the tradition of the world’s oldest continuing hereditary royal family, its values, and virtues reflecting Japan’s national character. The rare and intrinsic qualities of the imperial system must first be secured at all costs, followed by efforts to resolve specific problems.

　　　However, as mentioned earlier, the plans pursued by those including Grand Steward Haketa obviously are designed to open the way to a matrilineal emperor. This was also true of the final report by Koizumi’s panel, which greatly divided public opinion before becoming irrelevant.

　　　As if to avoid criticism of this nature, the government now claims it intends to study only the issue of female-line imperial branches by separating it from matters relating to the succession to the Imperial Throne. But it is definitely impossible to separate these two issues, as will be explained later.

　　　The hearing I attended -€ actually the third of a series begun in February -€ proceeded on a false premise under which the organizers hoped to make the impossible possible. Following the session, I faced an intriguing question from a journalist concerning the impression the hearings have obviously been giving the press. The question I was asked following the hearing was: All of the persons who participated in the first two hearings before you favored creation of female-line branches of the family. As the first person to oppose the proposal, what were your thoughts during the hearing?

　　　In point of fact, the four persons who had attended the first two hearings are unanimously for creation of female-line branches of the Imperial Family, while myself and Professor Akira Momochi of Nihon University, who was also invited to state his views this time, are against it. In the next hearing, those advocating the idea, including Professor Hidehiko Kasahara of Keio University, are again expected to participate.

　　　It is also noteworthy that the Noda administration is expected to deal with this matter based on the final report by Koizumi’s panel, which made proposals in favor of the matrilineal Emperor and family branches. Furthermore, former Supreme Court judge Itsuo Sonobe, a central figure among those who put together the report in question, is on the side of the sponsors of the hearing, serving as a cabinet councilor.

　　　This, I believe, is what has created the impression that approving the proposed creation of female-line branches of the family would be a foregone conclusion for approving a matrilienal (not patrilineal) emperor as well.

　　　It was against such a backdrop that the hearing involving me began. There were basically two major questions put to me:
　　　(1)What should be the extent of the official duties of the
　　　　　Emperor who is getting on in years?
　　　(2)What should be the status of female members of the
　　　　　Imperial Family after marriage>

　　　Needless to say, the answer to question (1) automatically leads to the answer to question (2). Let me start with the Emperor’s official duties. Historically speaking, the Emperor has always acted as the chief Shinto priest in Japan. Over the centuries, he has graciously revered Shinto gods every morning and every evening in places unknown to the public, endeavored to be virtuous, and protected the people and state through constant prayers. The Emperor awakens in the wee hours before dawn and purifies himself to perform a variety of important Shinto rituals, including the “Shiho-hai” New Year’s day ritual. The Emperor has over the centuries spent most of his time serving as the grand priest, away from the seat of power. The Japanese have thus nurtured an exceptionally gentle culture centered around the Imperial Household.

　　　However, following the end of World War II, a number of new policies were implemented in rapid succession under the Occupation administration, bringing about new fundamental changes in Japan. One such new policy was to classify the Shinto rituals conducted by the emperor as his “private activities,” thus trivializing the sacred rites. The Japanese government has not taken the trouble of rectifying the situation -€ even after Japan regained its independence in 1952 -€ having recently gone to the extent of simplifying the rituals themselves under the pretext of easing the Emperor’ burden. This is putting the cart before the horse in the extreme, denying both the raison d’etre of the Imperial Family and Japan’s national character. True reform must by all means be implemented in the direction of protecting the essential qualities of the Imperial Household, as well as Japan’s national character.

　　　However, exactly the opposite phenomenon is happening in Japan today.

Too Many Requests from Governmental Agencies and Ministries

　　　That is why I feel most strongly that the Emperor’s official duties must be redefined first and foremost at this stage -€ in order to ease his burden, as he is getting on in years. Viewed from an historical and traditional standpoint, I find fundamentally mistaken the interpretation of his daily rituals as private activities which should be separated from his constitutional and representational activities, which I shall later refer to. Such measures completely ignore Shinto rituals as the most important historical official duty the Emperor has performed over centuries on behalf of the people and the state.

　　　Shinto rituals the Emperor conducts comprise “prayers on behalf of the state and people,” which can only be entrusted with him. If anything should happen to him, officers of court ceremony at the Imperial Palace are understood to serve as his proxies. For instance, the “Niiname-sai” (festival of new food) ritual, regarded as the most important of all of the rituals at the Imperial Palace, was held last November 23 at the Shinkaden Hall to thank the gods for the year’s harvest. The Emperor was then ill and unable to attend, so the chief of the court ceremony served as his proxy, presenting offerings to the gods and intoning Shinto prayers.

　　　Crown Prince Naruhito appeared in the hall when it was time for him to offer his prayers, but retired before other members of the Imperial Family prayed -€ apparently emulating a custom dating back to the Showa Era.

　　　Neither the Crown Prince nor his younger brother Prince Akishino can represent the Emperor in Shinto rituals. Because they are rites of extreme importance that only the Emperor can perform, it is mandatory to prepare a system under which the Emperor will be able to be spared other duties that can be handled by his proxies so as to fully concentrate on Shinto rituals first and foremost.

　　　On top of that, his constitutional and representational duties should be worked out by order of priority so that he will be spared any uncalled-for burden. His constitutional duties include convening the Diet, dissolving the Lower House of the Diet, and receiving foreign dignitaries including ambassadors. Other than duties that only the Emperor can perform, the rest should be taken care of by the Crown Prince or Prince Akishino whenever the need arises. As a matter of fact, when the Emperor was incapacitated this year due to failing health, the Crown Prince assumed certain constitutional duties on his behalf quite admirably. In other words, a considerable range of official duties previously entrusted with the Emperor can and should be shared between the two princes, with female members of the Imperial Family sharing the burden if and when there is too much for the two princes to handle. That ought to be the natural order of things under the circumstances.

　　　Female members of the Imperial Family are logically expected to shoulder representational responsibilities, which are quite wide-ranging and include such activities as appearances in tree-planting ceremonies or sports festivals hosted by local governments.

　　　Professor Momochi points out the imperial couple is frequently inundated with requests for representational appearances from government agencies and ministries. To call a spade a spade, too many of such requests have contributed to undue pressure on the imperial couple. Before proposing creation of female-line branches of the Imperial Family, government agencies and ministries must firstly repent their thoughtlessness and reflect on how they may be able to cooperate in helping lessen the work load for the imperial couple.

　　　As I have earlier stated, the government’s inquiry concerning creation of the female-line branches is in itself out of line to begin with. Although the government claims it intends to discuss only issues pertaining to creation of new female-line branches of the family and pledges not to touch on matters involving imperial succession, these actually are the two sides of the same coin and inseparable, as I will explain below.

Female Imperial Families -€ One Generation Only?

　　　The female-line branches being talked about now start with the premise that female Imperial Family members will marry men who are commoners. They will retain their royal status after marriage and are entitled to create their own family branches, which means their children will be female-line Imperial Family members. At present, there are a total of eight single imperial princesses; it is expected that they will someday give birth to not a small number of matrilineal Imperial Family members. Currently, members of female and matrilineal members constitute the majority of the Imperial Family; should one of them ascend the throne, she will become a matrilineal empress. Even if a male member of the female-line Imperial Family branch assumes the throne, he will still be a “female-line” emperor. The 2,670-odd years of the Japanese history of male-line emperors collapses the minute there is a “matrilineal” emperor or empress. As can be understood from this explanation, creation of female-line Imperial Family branches will open the way to a matrilineal emperor or empress, which runs counter to Japan’s centuries-old tradition.

　　　Clearly, the scoop by the Yomiuri last November 25, as well as the remarks by Chief Cabinet Secretary Fujimura, treated creation of female-line Imperial Family branches and succession to the throne (by a female-line emperor or empress) as one and the same; such a view is quite natural, logically speaking.

　　　A review of the role played by members of the Imperial Family over the centuries will quickly enable one to realize how alien the proposed creation of a female-line family branch is from the history of the Imperial Family and the national character of Japan. In addition to supporting the Emperor, all of the Imperial Family branches have traditionally regarded it as their most important role to produce a male-line heir to the throne should the imperial couple or their immediate off-spring not be able to produce a male successor.

　　　This role cannot be filled by new female-line Imperial Family branches currently discussed. Some experts contend that matters pertaining to a female-line Imperial Family branch and the imperial lineage through the male blood line are two separate matters, referencing Article 12 of the Imperial Household Law which stipulates: “In case a female of the Imperial Family marries a person other than the Emperor or members of the Imperial Family, she shall lose her status as a member of the Imperial Family.” Meanwhile, regarding imperial lineage, they also refer to Article 1, which notes: “The Imperial Throne shall be succeeded to by a male off-spring in the male line belonging to the imperial lineage.” If Article 12 were revised, these experts claim, there would be no problem even if Article 12 were revised -€ so long as Article 1 remains intact.

　　　But there is no guarantee that Article 1 will not be revised in the coming round of discussions. As a matter of fact, right after Prime Minister Noda referred to Article 1 of the Imperial House Law, and Article 2 of the Japanese constitution stipulating the hereditary succession to the Imperial Throne, recognizing the historical importance of the male-line succession, the chief of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau flatly discredited the prime minister’s thinking, pointing out that both male-line and female-line successors to the hereditary throne would be possible.

　　　It is a hard fact of life in Japan today that, even when the prime minister asserts he attaches importance to the tradition of the male-line imperial lineage, there are visible signs that bureaucrats within the Imperial Household Agency and the Cabinet Legislation Bureau are plotting to switch to a matrilineal emperor if at all possible, ignoring the intention of politicians who value tradition when it comes to imperial succession. Therefore, no one can positively state that Article 1 of the Imperial Household Law will not be revised -€ especially when the slogan -€ “we politicians will take the initiative” -€ chanted by members of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) when they came to power more than two years ago, sounds so hollow.

　　　There appears to be another ploy to create an impression that the female-line Imperial Family branch and imperial succession have absolutely nothing to do with each other; some say the proposed female-line Imperial Family branch will be a stop-gap measure lasting for only one generation. A review of history also makes such an arrangement altogether unrealistic.

　　　In the first year of the Meiji Era (1868), the government worked out an Imperial Family system under which new members of the Imperial Family were allowed to enjoy the status for just one generation. But there were successive cases in which the children of the new members of the Imperial Family chose to succeed and retain their parents’ royal status. Neither the Meiji government nor other members of the Imperial Family would, or could, stop them. Eventually, the system collapsed. The lesson learned at the time was it is extremely difficult to separate parents and children on the basis of status, and to deal with them differently. The same lesson applies to today’s situation.

　　　For instance, if the parents are members of the Imperial Family and the children commoners, should the children be given surnames (which members of the Imperial Family do not have)? What kind of family names should be given in that case? Either way, parents and children will have no common family name. Also, how should the living expenses provided by the government be divided? Eventually, the family will most likely have to have two separate accounts. What about personal security, then? Members of the same family will likely have different conditions imposed on them, which I believe will be most unfortunate for all family members, parents and children alike.

　　　That is why I believe that, instead of being subject to a system under which a female-line family branch lasts only for one generation, the female members of the current Imperial Family should become commoners after marriage in line with Japanese history and be encouraged to support the Imperial Household in a variety of new functions. Full consideration would have to be given so that they could play an active role in society after marrying outside the family, be entitled to continue using their royal titles (such as “Princess”), and be given sufficient life-time financial support to enable them to maintain a reasonable social standing. I have no doubt that active participation in varied social activities by married former members of the Imperial Family would certainly help channel new and vigorous energy into the future of the Imperial Household.

　　　Now, how can we try to prevent a situation in which the members of the Imperial Family decrease perilously in the future and Prince Hisahito becomes the only member left? Here too, it is best to learn from history.

　　　Japan has over the centuries dealt with various problems flexibly without fundamentally changing the real nature of the Imperial Household. When there were more than enough Imperial Family members, some of them were made to give up their status. When the cutbacks began in the 21st year of Meiji (1889), Japan was devoid of a specific provision concerning such a reduction in the number of male members of the Imperial Family. And yet, many male members willingly renounced their royal status, helping maintain the size of the Imperial Family at an agreeable level.

　　　In the 9th year of Taisho (1876), the government viewed an overflow of Imperial Family members as “nothing to be happy about” in terms of the dignity and the financial health of the Imperial Household. So, it worked out a by-law concerning the declassing of certain Imperial Family members. Earnestly hoping for the healthy survival of the Imperial Household, our forefathers took a decisive step and resolutely implemented the required measures.

Wise and Bold Measures Needed

　　　However, we face the exact opposite situation today. Our current state of affairs has completely reversed from the Taisho Era when there were more than enough Imperial Family members; none of them may soon be left unless something is done about it.

　　　A patient suffering from high fever needs an ice pillow to help reduce his temperature, but one who is chilled to the bone must be kept warm and wrapped in a thick blanket. If the circumstances are completely the opposite, it is not strange or unusual to apply a completely opposite treatment. The problems pertaining to the unprecedented crisis of succession to the throne will never be resolved if the government chooses to hold on to the inflexible idea of applying past rules to the current situation and ban the declassed former members of the Imperial Family from reclaiming their royal status. As I have stressed already, the situation has entirely reversed itself from the past. Now is the time for us to overcome our difficulties by breaking the limits imposed by past measures.

　　　What is needed now is a reinstatement of royal status -€ not a departure from it -€ for those who were once legitimate members of the Imperial Family. Broad and bold measures are needed for the grand purpose of sustaining the stability of male-line imperial succession.

　　　For that purpose, the proper step would be to revise Article 9 of the Imperial Household Law banning adoption: “The Emperor and the members of the Imperial Family may not adopt children.” In ancient times, the Imperial Household as well as houses of imperial princes customarily adopted heirs. In fact, in the 6th year of Showa (1931), after his fourth child again turned out to be a baby girl, Emperor Showa asked elder statesman Kimmochi Saionji if he thought the Imperial Household Law could be revised to make adoption possible.

　　　Although blessed with four children, Emperor Showa did not intend to have any of them succeed to his throne, all of them being female. He dared ask this question because he obviously single-mindedly hoped to have a male-line offspring belonging to the imperial lineage succeed to his throne. If so, there ought to be no reason why we should oppose a revision of Article 9.

　　　I propose that those former male-line members of the Imperial Family, who have maintained lifestyles deserving a reinstatement of royal status, or their entire family, be adopted as authentic members of the Imperial Family. Or they should be allowed to create their own new royal families and regain their lost status.

　　　There are those who feel that reinstatement of royal status to those who have lived as commoners the past 60 years or so would not quite match public sentiment. However, in the case of a female-line family branch, we would have a male commoner who marries a royal woman become head of a newly created Imperial Family branch. It simply doesn’t appear consistent to not feel uneasy about someone with no connection with the imperial lineage becoming a new member of the Imperial Family, while not approving a return to royal status for those with legitimate imperial lineage who also are on good terms with the Emperor and other current members of the Imperial Household.

　　　Among the former male-line Imperial Family members with the imperial lineage are six boys between the ages of 2 and 16 who could be ideal playmates for Prince Hisahito. If former members of the Imperial Family who regain royal status, including these boys, should find appropriate spouses among the current princesses, or their daughters, wouldn’t it indeed be a matter for double or triple congratulations?

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 507 in the April 26, 2012 issue of The Weekly Shincho)