On December 16, President Xi Jinping called for strict Internet censorship at the second Chinese-sponsored World Internet Conference in Wuzhen, eastern China, noting that cyberspace is “not a place beyond the rule of law…as in the real world, freedom and order are both necessary in cyberspace.” Xi stressed that nations must pursue the principle of voluntarily managing respective “network sovereignty.”

　　　　　Xi’s remarks—a blatant declaration that China will manage its cyberspace matters as it likes—and the trial of prominent human rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang (50) at a district court in Beijing begun two days earlier, both point to the society Xi is aiming to create, one which is totally intolerant and uncompromising to criticism.

　　　　　On May 6, 2013, three days after attending a private seminar remembering the victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre, Pu was detained early in the morning on four charges, including “inciting ethnic hatred” and “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” in connection with a series of comments he made on the Internet. Two other charges were later dropped.

　　　　　[Editor’s note: On December 21, Pu was given a suspended sentence after having been detained for 19 months.]

　　　　　His lawyer quoted Pu as unsuccessfully maintaining in court that he “never provoked trouble or incited ethnic hatred” as part of his provocative criticism of the government.

　　　　　The US State Department expressed serious concern about Pu’s prolonged detention and demanded he be released immediately. On December 14, a US Embassy official read a statement in front of the courthouse in Beijing. The US media uploaded online video footage of the official being encircled and moved away by Chinese security police.

　　　　　The Chinese Foreign Ministry immediately rebutted the statement, declaring that the US must “refrain from interfering with our jurisdiction and internal affairs.” What did the Japanese government do in the meantime? Nothing. Why didn’t our government protest in chorus against this unjust suppression of Mr. Pu?

Plucky Lawyer

　　　　　Isn’t the Xi administration’s relentless efforts to control the Internet—similar to its persecution of human rights advocates—a reflection of its fear of criticism of the Communist Party mushrooming into an uncontrollable mass movement? Clearly, the Chinese leadership led by Xi is terrified of Pu’s words and deeds.

　　　　　Pu was born in Hebei Province in 1965. He was a student at the China University of Political Science and Law when the Tiananmen Incident occurred. A news video remains today showing him on hunger strike, donning a T shirt made from a cement sack with “freedom of speech” and “freedom of association” written on it in Chinese characters.

　　　　　Not a few leaders of China’s democratization movement fled abroad after Tiananmen, which claimed a horrendous number of victims. Many of the former student leaders who chose to remain behind have closed their eyes to the incident, eager to succeed in business. But Pu decided to remain in China, qualified as a lawyer, and has since 1997 been practicing as a human rights lawyer, vigorously grappling with the problems facing Chinese society. A Chinese legal expert who declined to be identified says of Pu:

　　　　　“Those who have left China or sought careers in business have lost much of their charisma as democratization leaders. But Mr. Pu is a different story. He is viewed as a man with a lot of pluck—a danzida, as we say in China—a shining example of human rights lawyer who commands tremendous respect.” Pu is a close friend of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiabo. The duo were among the 350 intellectuals and human rights activists to sign Charter 08, a manifesto demanding democratization.

　　　　　One of the first problems Pu chose to tackle was the system of re-education through labor, known as laojiao. This system is aimed at re-educating those having committed minor crimes by putting them to forced labor. Security authorities are entitled to arbitrarily detain criminals for up to four years (now reduced to two years) without permission from the judiciary.

　　　　　This system, implemented in 1955, was initially aimed at controlling counter-revolutionary movements, but has since been expanded to cope with rightwing factions, those opposing the Communist Party, and religious cults such as Falun Gong. Pu focused on Chongqing City in his efforts to support victims of the laojiao system. Chongqing is where the notorious Bo Xilai served as the municipality’s Communist Party Secretary. Frequently employing laojiao, Bo ended up with nearly 5,000 arrests under the slogan of “punish the wicked.”

　　　　　As Bo later came under charges of corruption and his relationship with President Xi Jinping worsened, there were no objections from the central government to Pu’s campaign against Bo and his use of laojiao. When the controversial system was subsequently abolished in 2013, Pu’s reputation grew, as he was credited with having contributed to its demise.

　　　　　Pu next grappled with the policy of shuanggui—an internal disciplinary process conducted by a commission of the Communist Party against party members. The commission orders suspected party members to appear for questioning at a time and place it designates. Although appearance is supposedly voluntary, suspects are abruptly taken away in a vast majority of cases. Disciplinary violations are often used as a pretext for ousting rivals. Once suspects are taken into custody, severe torture is said to often await them.

　　　　　In 2013, Pu aggressively investigated cases of death associated with shuanggui. The first case involved Yu Qiyi, an engineer at a state-owned industrial investment group in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, who died on April 9 after four months of interrogations by the commission. Although his family was informed that Yu had drowned, it was subsequently discovered that his body was covered with bruises and that he had been subject to torture by his interrogators, who stripped him naked and repeatedly held his head under icy water.

Awakening of Public

　　　　　A second victim was also known to have died with bruises covering his body, and Pu found that a third victim of shuanggui died two months after being returned to his family in a vegetable-like state. Pu kept pressing charges in these and other cases. Commented the aforementioned legal expert:

　　　　　“The special characteristics of Mr. Pu’s solution to any problem is to enable the public to come to grips with what the problem is all about. He has a special knack for drawing people’s attention to matters they would otherwise have little interest in, adroitly highlighting symbolic examples. This is his method of changing society for the better—making the public aware of where the real problems lie. He is the person who probably is most dreaded by the Communist Party.”

　　　　　In 2013, Foreign Policy Weekly named Pu one of “100 global thinkers.” He was also on the cover of the Nanfang Renwu Zhoukan, a respected Chinese weekly magazine. A human rights lawyer who had established an impressive reputation at home and abroad, Pu may have crossed the line when he exposed the hitherto unknown system of brutal interrogation of the Communist Part epitomized by shuanggui. This is where he ran afoul of the Xi administration, according to the legal expert.

　　　　　In a desperate fight for its survival, the Communist Party is going all out to instill in the public mind a deep suspicion of—and a spirit of die-hard resistance against—foreign nations, with Japan heading the list. The party is convinced that the foreign policies of nations like the US and Japan, which claim to hold up “beautiful” values such as democracy and human rights, are nothing but a ploy to overthrow the Communist regime through a so-called “peaceful evolution.” That is exactly what the party preaches to the public, never allowing them to subscribe to any other views or ideas. Internet censorship, therefore, is critical for President Xi.

　　　　　Despite this, Pu forges on, continuing to disseminate information and increase the awareness of these issues among the general public. But it is also clear that the Xi administration will not back off in its own efforts to harass and impede Pu.

　　　　　Against such a backdrop, Japan must extend solid support to democratic-minded people in China. We must keep firmly in mind that our most effective policy towards China is to steadfastly hold up our own values of freedom and the rule of law.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no.686 in the December 31, 2015-January 7, 2016 issue of The Weekly Shincho)