On October 26 I attended a reception in Tokyo held by supporters of Ms. Kyoko Nakayama, the leader of the Party for Next Generations (PFG)—a conservative splinter party formed in August 2014. Currently, the party has only five members in the House of Councilors, with two of them slated to run for reelection in the upper house election next year. The PGF will have difficulty surviving unless the duo are reelected and its other candidates win more seats. With the party virtually at the end of its tether, Ms. Nakayama (75) was elected leader, transcending her gender, due to her strong convictions as a seasoned conservative politician

　　　　　The essence of Nakayama’s strong beliefs is clearly reflected in her coherent approach to the North Korean abduction issue.

　　　　　In a reshuffle of his cabinet last month, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe named Katsunobu Kato the new state minister in charge of the abduction issue, freshly demonstrating his determination to resolve it. The appointment simultaneously means Abe’s admission that the “solutions” to the abduction issue reached between Japan and North Korea in three-day negotiations in Stockholm in May 2014 have proved absolutely useless. In point of fact, Nakayama was the only politician at the time who correctly pointed out the accord’s uselessness.

　　　　　On September 23 last year a conference on North Korea’s abduction of Japanese citizens was held in Tokyo. Abe and representatives of other political parties attended, with all of them generally optimistic about the return of the abductees following the signing of the “Stockholm Agreement.”

　　　　　The atmosphere of the get-together suddenly changed, however, when Nakayama began talking, gently yet firmly warning: “We will never be able to bring home one single abductee if our government pursues its current method of negotiations with Pyongyang.”

　　　　　The agreement calls on Japan to squarely face the “unfortunate past” and normalize diplomatic relations, as well as ease sanctions on North Korea by partially lifting restriction on travel, cash remittances to the North, and entry of North Korean ships into Japanese ports once North Korea begins its investigations into four categories of inquiry.

　　　　　Those four categories are: (1) the remains of Japanese nationals who died in North Korea before and after 1945; (2) Japanese who were not repatriated after the war; (3) Japanese women who were married to North Korean nationals after the war; and (4) the victims of abduction and other missing persons. Japan demanded that all these categories be investigated simultaneously.

　　　　　The Japanese government has begun to ease restrictions as outlined in the agreement, although so far North Korea has only established a “special investigation committee” and shown no results whatsoever. On the contrary, there have even been rumors about a “remains business,” with Pyongyang demanding \2,400,000 (US$20,000) per person for the unclaimed remains of Japanese citizens, an estimated 20,000 of whom are believed to have died in North Korea.

Reversion to Conservatism

　　　　　More than 17 months after it was reached, the meaningless agreement has blatantly failed to produce anything positive, as Ms. Nakayama warned. She sternly attributes this failure to the sorry lack of readiness on the part of the Foreign Ministry to protect Japanese citizens abroad, with their officials not regarding this as one of the duties of a diplomat. In order to resolve the abduction issue, she strongly advocates moving responsibilities from the Foreign Ministry to a special countermeasures headquarters directly under the prime minister, feeling both diplomacy and threat of force must be employed as necessary.

　　　　　Ms. Nakayama has consistently appealed for a revision of the American-written postwar constitution as the main pillar of Japan’s rejuvenation. While Abe has singled out economic growth as the main objective of his administration following the recent enactment of security bills expanding the international role of the Japanese Self Defense Forces (JSDF), she observes:

　　　　　“It’s natural to attach importance to economic growth. There are, however, other equally vital issues the administration must pay special attention to—such as education and the basic structure of our society—with the reformation of our constitution at the very heart of that discussion. It is no time for us to be dilly-dallying about on any of these issues, most especially so on security matters. We must strive to implement necessary reforms to adroitly match the rapid changes that are now occurring internationally. I wish to help reconstruct Japan from its roots so that we can show our ability to contribute to the peace and stability of the world as a truly responsible leader.”

　　　　　Ms. Nakayama clearly follows the policies of conservative politicians like Shintaro Ishihara and Takeo Hiranuma—senior advisor and honorary chairman of her party, respectively—in maintaining that the Japanese constitution, starting with its preamble, must be completely rewritten by the Japanese people themselves. How does she plan to accomplish this? Is she powerful enough to make it happen? Here is what she told the gathering:

　　　　　“‘The Sunrise Party of Japan’ was formed by five of my peers in 2010—Takeo Hiranuma, Kaoru Yosano, Hiroshi Sonoda, Yoshio Nakagawa, and Takao Fujii—with Shintaro Ishihara serving as our biggest supporter. I joined the party in the same year, making us a small party of just six lawmakers. Then in 2014, the Party for Future Generations got off to a good start, with 31 Diet members. After our party suffered a devastating setback in the election last December, I was left all alone—with Nakagawa having been defeated, Yosano having joined the Democratic Party of Japan, and Hiranuma, Sonoda, and Fujii having rejoined the government party.”

　　　　　Nakayama continued her remarks in a quiet voice:

　　　　　“And yet, when I look at myself nowadays, I am strongly convinced that I am still here because I have a mission to accomplish. I am currently working on new party policies and a new party name, bearing in mind what manner of country I as a politician should help Japan become.”

　　　　　The new party policies to be announced early next month are expected to be more conservative than those of the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP). The party will vigorously argue for significant economic development and establishment of traditional Japanese values underlined by constitutional reform. The sentiment for a constitutional revision within the LDP itself can hardly be seen as encouraging at this stage. The role of Ms. Nakayama and her colleagues will be to raise pertinent issues from the conservative camp, pulling the LDP in the right direction. I earnestly hope that her party will act as a driving force for a swing back to conservatism in Japan, more powerfully guiding the policies of the Abe administration.

　　　　　On another important front, we may actually be in the process of seeing a significant swing back in the right direction. On October 27, President Obama sent a US Navy destroyer to sail inside the 12 nautical-mile territory China has claimed for one of the artificial islets it has built in the South China Sea. We all know that China’s hegemonic expansion policy in this region has been harshly criticized by the world. The Obama administration, which had previously resorted to an “appeasement policy” vis-à-vis China, has now taken military action in the South China Sea. Behind this action is clearly a change in the mood of the American people.

“Power of Values”

　　　　　Deep-rooted mistrust of China as regards human rights and corruption has spread globally—in the US to begin with, but even across the European Union as well. China’s supposedly booming economy—the source of its national power—has now come into question. And yet, major EU nations such as Germany and England have been eager to move closer to China, with American influence over the EU waning steadily. As America retreats and China and Russia expand, the role Japan can potentially play internationally has expanded. Yet the LDP’s willingness to seriously grapple with this new responsibility must be questioned.

　　　　　Ms. Nakayama likes to emphasize the merits of Japanese “cultural power,” which can be rephrased as “the power of Japanese values.” Japan suffered a huge setback with the Greater East Asia War and has since nurtured a gentle civilization that cherishes people of every creed and nationality and values existing norms, forming a society that values fairness.

　　　　　What Japan needs today is a new nation-building enabling it to once again exhibit Japanese values—this time for the good of the world. Ms. Nakayama’s philosophy―that the government must grapple squarely with a constitutional revision which forms the foundation of Japanese norms—is becoming more pertinent than ever. The change in attitudes toward China which is taking shape in the US will will no doubt spread further. A similar reversion is already being witnessed in Japan, as the approval rate for the Abe cabinet rises despite the controversy over the security legislation. I firmly believe the role Ms. Nakayama plays in leading the LDP from the conservative camp will be highly appreciated.

　　　　　Running over her allotted time speaking of her aspirations, Ms. Nakayama walked down from the podium smiling. Looking on with satisfaction, her husband Nariaki had this to say:

　　　　　“When she became a politician, she could hardly speak publicly for more than five minutes. Nowadays, she is still talking after her time is up. It’s amazing how human beings can really change.”

　　　　　When she manages to overcome the difficulties her party is faced with, she will most certainly have become a politician indispensable for Japan and its political world. I am very much looking forward to that time.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 678 in the November 5, 2015 issue of The Weekly Shincho)