DOES CHINA’S PERVERSE SUPPRESSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS REFLECT GROWING DOMESTIC INSTABILITY UNDER XI JINPING?
Last Friday I decided to watch the NHK evening news show The World Now, as the program that day dealt with a topic of particular interest to me: Why has China been intensifying its suppression of human rights lawyers?
The major Japanese dailies have already reported on the evolving situation in China under which a succession of Chinese human rights lawyers have been taken into custody. For some unknown reason, however, the government television station chose to present this outrageous pattern of human rights violations in an obscure 30-minute Sunday program aired in a time frame which looked best suited for a juvenile audience. I would think it ought to be the responsibility of NHK, which claims to be “the people’s television station,” to treat the subject more openly and squarely in a prime-time news show. That it failed to do so indicates that NHK, not unknown for biased news coverage, may likely be unable to properly criticize Beijing in a more mainstream or popular program.
Be that as it may, The World Now introduced some important facts about China’s ferocious suppression of human rights since Xi Jinping took office by quoting telling figures: at least 25 individuals have reportedly been detained, including 13 lawyers. In addition, 230 others have been summoned for questioning, 120 of them lawyers. Some English textbooks have been banned at colleges and universities, or put under harsher control than the Internet, as Chinese authorities exercise extreme caution about Chinese youths being influenced by Western values and information.
The program interpreted the reasons for the crackdown as reflecting “impatience” on the part of the Chinese Communist Party, explaining there is mounting discontent among the poorest segment of the Chinese population over the slowdown in domestic economic growth. This unrest has driven the Communist Party to suppression as it fears the public wrath will be consolidated against the leadership sooner or later—a fairly decent explanation of the situation for NHK.
Presumably because of that reason, the program was abruptly interrupted while being aired in China, with the screen blanked out for some ten minutes. NHK ought to be proud that The World Now was censored by the Chinese authorities.
Let us take a fresh look at the aberrant state of affairs in the Communist state, which even the pro-Chinese camp—not to speak of the anti-Chinese camp—cannot but recognize. In China over the last year, up to 1,000 human rights activists have been taken into custody. This year, the Chinese government further tightened control of freedoms, including freedom of speech, abruptly implementing an all-out crackdown on human rights lawyers and activists known as “Black Friday” (July 9). First targeted was the Beijing Fengrui Law Firm. China News Service released a report by the official Xinghua News Agency in Japanese as follows:
“Human Rights Gang”
Chinese authorities smashed “a major criminal organization that since July 2012 has used the Beijing-based Fengrui Law Firm as a platform to organize and plot more than 40 cases that seriously disturbed social order…in the name of human rights protection, justice, and the common good. (Investigations led to) revelation of inside information pertaining to these secret plots. ”
This “major criminal organization,” also called “the human rights gang,” are broken down into the three following categories according to police records:
“The core of the gang was made up of top officers of the Fengrui Firm, including director Zhou Shifeng; administrative assistant Liu Sixin; and Huang Ligun, a lawyer. Those in charge of the planning and execution of plots included Wang Yu, a well-known human rights lawyer at the firm, Wang Quanzhang, activist Wu Gan, Zha Yanmin, and Bao Longjun, a legal representative and husband of Wang Yu. Petitioners, including Liu Xing and Li Heping, supported the gang.”
Meanwhile, Zhou reportedly has confessed as of July 19 that he “is guilty of unprofessional conduct, including embezzlement and bribery and ‘inappropriate sexual relations.’”
Bao Longjun, put into custody July 9 together with his wife Wang Yu, is a human rights activist. The couple, long engaged in supporting the socially weak, have persistently been shadowed and wiretapped by the police.
According to Akira Yaita, Sankei Shimbun correspondent in Beijing, the common character of the lawyers detained this time is that all of them have campaigned for reforms within China’s existing framework of the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party, having never advocated subversion of the current system.
The second conspicuous feature of the group is that, while they strive to protect the rights of victims in accordance with the law, case by case, they employ a method of releasing on the Internet the detail of human rights violations by the authorities in an attempt to gain over the public.
Even if human rights activities are conducted within the framework of the current systems, anti-government sentiments could flare up some day, with the people rising up against the leadership. Xi Jinping, who survived the era of the Cultural Revolution, presumably is fully aware of the real terror of people’s anger. I suspect that is why he could never tolerate Zhou and the likes of him who dare resort to attempts to influence the public.
On May 30 last year, the US House condemned China as one of the world’s worst human rights violators in view of the unlawful detentions, arrests, torture, and human trafficking rampant under the Xi administration. Isn’t it because Xi dreads the potential power of anger on the part of the Chinese public that he is dead set on implementing increasingly harsh suppression? China no longer flinches from criticism of its conduct from the US or other members of the international community. In the same way it proceeded with its aggressive expansion scheme for man-made islands in the South China Sea, China obviously is determined to step up human rights suppression, further expanding the target of control from Chinese activists to foreign non-government organizations (NGOs).
On July 25, Minister of Public Security Guo Shengkun announced the enactment by the National People’s Congress of a new National Security Law aimed at tightly regulating foreign NGOs inside China. Under the new law, supervisory authority over foreign NGOs will be switched from the Ministry of Civil Affairs to the Ministry of Public Safety, which manages criminal organizations. This new measure appears to be aimed at more rigidly eliminating the influence of foreign nationals in China by implementing stricter crackdowns via criminal charges. China, it seems, is determined to press forward with the Xi administration’s principle of achieving a unique socialist and democratic system while resolutely warding off foreign influence.
Mobilizing all Chinese Citizens
China’s peculiar self-righteousness is evident from its new seven-chapter National Security Law enacted just as soon as it was announced on July 1. Article 11, Chapter I—General Provisions—stipulates: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China, all state organs and armed forces, all political parties and mass organizations, enterprises, public institutions and other social organizations, all have the responsibility and obligation to preserve national security.” The article further states that “preservation of national sovereignty and territorial integrity is a shared obligation of all the Chinese people, including compatriots from Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan,” even arbitrarily imposing on Taiwanese the “responsibility and obligation” to commit themselves to China’s security without bothering to seek approval or agreement from them.
Chapter II—Articles 15-34, referring to what preserving China’s national security entails,—stipulates at length: “The State persists in the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, maintaining the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, developing socialist democratic politics, completing socialist rule of law…increases the construction of border defense, coastal defense, and air defense, taking all necessary defense and control measures to defend the security of continental territory, international water bodies, territorial waters and airspace…makes the armed forces more revolutionary, contemporary, regular…implements an active military defense strategy directives, taking precaution against and withstanding invasion…opposes foreign influences interference with domestic religious affairs…persists in the peaceful exploration and use of outer space, international seabed areas and polar regions…”
Imposing such security obligation and responsibility, the new law specifies that, if necessary, “all Chinese citizens” including Taiwanese, will be mobilized in time of need. On the other hand, it warns: “Individuals and organizations must not act to endanger national security.”
What specifically does endangering national security mean? Such an ambiguous expression can be subject to the broadest interpretation, giving authorities a convenient excuse for human rights suppression as they see fit.
Already harshly criticized by United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al Hussein and others, one sees that China’s self-righteousness—which makes Beijing behave as though it is already in command of the entire world—is but the perverse flip side of the sorry state of instability the Xi Jinping regime has slipped into.
(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. #666 in the August 6, 2015 edition of The Weekly Shincho)