Right up until the day before the general elections on December 14, Japanese dailies projected a two-thirds majority of at least 317 seats for the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) in the lower house of parliament, predicting almost conclusively that the party would easily get more than 300 seats. In fact the LDP had to settle for 291 seats—two less than when the Diet was dissolved on November 21.

　　　　　Because a dramatic victory had been taken for granted, the actual results were somewhat unexpected. Nevertheless, it was a landslide victory for the government party. Almost all the freshmen lawmakers voted into office two years ago were reelected. Given that freshmen parliamentarians usually have a difficult time winning a second term, it was an unprecedented victory for the LDP, reflecting voters’ confidence in Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his administration. It can safely be said that the foundation of the Abe administration has significantly been fortified.

　　　　　Some critics link the low voter turnout this time (52.7%), the lowest postwar turnout to a distrust of politics on the part of the nation’s eligible voters. However, the outcome of an election in a democratic state must be seen as reflecting the explicit will of the people. The LDP’s sweeping victory is none other than an expression of the people’s expectations that Abe can be counted on to address a host of domestic and international issues facing Japan. Among these are a historic revision of the post-war constitution, matters pertaining to imperial succession and the imperial household, economic reforms to ensure better growth, an ever growing Chinese threat, and changes in US policy toward the Asia-Pacific region.

　　　　　Standing firm in his convictions, Abe is expected to act resolutely in grappling with major issues that have long confronted post-war Japan. Now may be the only time for Japan to implement these changes, which are so necessary. With the mandate that

　　　　　Abe has received, he is expected to fulfill an historic mission for his nation—the long overdue revision of the constitution.
Abe has over the course of his career been consistent in calling for a revision of the constitution, and since coming to office his words have been backed by his actions. During his first administration (September 2007-August 2008), he had the national referendum law enacted. A revision of this law then took effect last June under the second Abe administration, lowering the minimum voting age to 18 from 20. These developments are a crucial part of his plan to bring about constitutional reform

　　　　　During a press conference immediately following the election, Abe said: “A revision of the constitution has been a long-cherished wish of our party.” During television interviews later in the day, he noted: “Even if we get the support of two-thirds of the lawmakers in both houses of parliament favoring a revision, we still must be endorsed by a majority of voters in a referendum. We are eager to begin our efforts by first helping deepen people’s understanding (of the need to revise the constitution).”

Peace as an Elusive Slogan

　　　　　Behind Abe’s decision to call for the snap election at such a surprising timing was an eagerness to accelerate the momentum for a constitutional revision by achieving a sweeping victory.

　　　　　The DLP did indeed win by a wide margin. However, in terms of revising the constitution, one notices some elements that may adversely affect the party’s plan. For instance, the Party for Future Generations, a small conservative party which could have strongly supported the LDP as a driving force behind the projected constitutional revision, was nearly devastated, their seats having been reduced to just 9 from 61. Former Your Party leader Yoshimi Watanabe was also defeated. Meanwhile, the Communist Party of Japan increased their seats from 8 to 21 seats, winning the right to submit bills to parliament. The Komeito Party, the junior coalition party which has occasionally applied the brake on the LDP’s efforts to revise the constitution, gained 31 seats, adding ten new seats. This all means that the LDP is faced with more negative factors hindering a constitutional revision, which requires Abe to more clever and tenacious in preparing to deal with his opponents.

　　　　　To do so Abe must above all endeavor to make “Abenomics” a success, spreading the benefits of economic growth far and wide across the country, prompting the nation to place greater confidence in him as a national leader. While increasing Japan’s national power, it is mandatory for Abe to get the people to understand that Japan will not be able to survive in the tough international community without achieving evolution in a variety of fields, especially the economy.

　　　　　Economic growth cannot be attained without rationality and imagination. The government must strive for reform in such areas as agriculture and medical insurance, breaking down the barriers of closed industries and boldly opening the Japanese market. In this vein, Japan must embrace the challenge of the new Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. Implemented as planned, “Abenomics” is expected to greatly benefit the people by allowing Japan to finally start making its way towards an enlightened free economy. This can only be accomplished when the Japanese government can truly convince its people, in ways linked directly to real day-to-day life, that daring reforms will allow Japan to develop a means of securing growth and strengthening its national power. And after accomplishing this, it is critical that the leaders of this country then open the eyes of the people to the real state of affairs of the contemporary world surrounding Japan.

　　　　　China has now begun to blatantly challenge international law and order. In an effort to exclude the presence of foreign countries in the seas surrounding China, the Chinese claim that their sovereignty over the South China Sea has been well established since some 2,000 years ago, applying their own legal interpretations to air defense identification zones, as well as exclusive economic zones (EEZ).

　　　　　Despite such a backdrop, the awareness of national defense on the part of the Japanese is such that many have little sense of the need for a revision of the constitution. China infiltrates its patrol ships into Japanese waters around the Senkaku Islands on a daily basis, apparently succeeding in its tenacious efforts to make its violations of Japanese territorial waters so common that most Japanese would not dare protest against such unlawful acts. To make things worse, there are those who oppose Japan’s decision to exercise its right to collective self-defense. It is such indifference and thoughtlessness regarding our national defense that prompts the Chinese to indulge in rampant territorial violations, as was seen when up to 220 Chinese fishing boats recently rushed into Japanese territorial waters to poach precious red coral off the Bonin and Izu Islands. The Japan Coast Guard has only five patrol boats—hardly enough to cope with so large a number of intruders. Taking advantage of this sorry state of the Japanese marine patrol, a large fleet of Chinese fishing boats easily sailed into Tamanoura Bay on Fukue Island in the Goto Islands in July 2012, ostensibly to avoid an approaching typhoon. Chinese fishing boats are free to infiltrate into Japanese waters—whenever they want.

　　　　　Now is the time to vigorously point out the contradictions of a Japanese constitution under which we are tied down by the illusion of the word “peace” used to describe it, irrationally rejecting anything at all that has to do with military matters.

Use Overwhelming Support as Foothold for Action

　　　　　Japan must make the necessary changes in the constitution and related laws, while also adding to the arms and equipment of the Maritime Self-Defense Forces and the Coast Guard, and increasing their size. The cabinet’s decision last July acknowledging the legitimacy of Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense was a great achievement—a departure from other post-war regimes that had seriously evaded their responsibility concerning international security. But the cabinet decision may actually complicate the exercise of self-defense in that it only adds to the limited “positive list” of actions that the self-defense forces are permitted to perform. In order to implement a true qualitative reform in line with other countries, Prime Minister Abe must aim to replace the “positive list” with a “negative list” that would delineate only those actions that the military was forbidden from taking. Only when it completes a string of such changes can Japan for the first time grow from being a benign and twisted “pacifist” nation into a trustable bona-fide member of the international community.

　　　　　Over the course of its history, Japan has fought several wars. In those wars, many men died fighting for their mother country. Consoling the souls of the war dead and expressing heartfelt thanks representing the nation is a vital duty only the prime minister can assume.

　　　　　We should gather all our knowledge to prevent China from continuing to use Yasukuni visits—one of the vital spiritual pillars for virtually all Japanese—as a ploy to denounce our view of history and defame us. Designating the year 2015—the 70th anniversary of the end of the Greater East Asian War—as the year of a full-scale war on history against Japan, Xi Jinping visited the
Nanjing Massacre Memorial on December 12, hurling groundless charges that the imperial Japanese army murdered 300,000 Chinese citizens in Nanjing in December 1937. There is only one way for Japan to not bow to China’s challenge: Japan should continue to adhere to the rule of virtue, as it always has, in dealing with China. And the Prime Minister should continue to globally disseminate a message noting the significance of Japanese paying homage to Yasukuni Shrine while visiting the shrine quietly and matter-of-factly each year.

　　　　　The results of the election this time reflect a comprehensive and positive evaluation of the Abe administration’s performance, including the implementation of “Abenomics.” A majority of people in Japan are putting their confidence in Abe, expecting him to solidify our national foundation and restore important Japanese values we have somehow left behind in the past seven decades since the end of the war.

　　　　　I earnestly hope Prime Minister Abe will use the overwhelming support he has commanded as an opportune foothold, rejuvenating and restrengthening the economy and national defense, speaking vigorously to the people about the need for constitutional reform, and vividly presenting himself as the leader of a truly independent nation. Paying homage to Yasukuni Shrine each year, showing thanks and decorum to the spirits of those who died fighting for their mother country, and helping the nation restore traditional religious and patriotic values—these constitute the mission that history has entrusted to Abe as the nation’s leader.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 636 in the December 25, 2014 issue of The Weekly Shincho)