“I think 2014 needs to be a year of action.”

　　　So declared President Barak Obama during the end-of-the-year news conference at the White House on December 20th. But, rather disappointingly, Obama focused primarily on domestic issues—such as medical and welfare policies, an increase of illegal immigrants, wire-tapping by the National Security Agency, and questions about his declining approval ratings. The press did ask some questions in connection with Iran and the winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, but in general the news conference gave one the impression that both the President and the press were not very interested in international affairs.

　　　The state of the world underwent drastic changes in 2013 due largely to this seeming lack of interest on the part of President Obama and the current tendency of the US public to “look inward.”

　　　The major players in the Middle East—Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Israel—have all begun to question US leadership following a series of missteps which includes the failure to intervene in Syria, a flawed provisional agreement with Iran to halt its nuclear development program, and a remarkably inconsistent policy towards Egypt. The international order long safeguarded by Washington has been shaken to its foundations.

　　　The decline of US influence in Asia is sadly conspicuous as well. After Kim Jong-un, the First Secretary of the North Korean Workers’ Party, executed his uncle, Jang Sung-Taek, on December 12th, the Korean Peninsula entered a virtual state of emergency. In the final analysis, this precarious state of affairs embraces the possibility of a confrontation with China—host to the six-party consultations on North Korea’s nuclear program that have been stalled since 2009. And yet President Obama continues to put top priority on the importance of these talks as the only venue for resolving the North Korean nuclear issue.

　　　Meanwhile, China has successfully landed its Chang-e-3 spacecraft on the moon, setting out to construct a moon base and its own space station. Not a small number of experts view China’s objective as establishing space supremacy, thereby winning the war of the 21st century—the cyber war—against the US. Isn’t President Obama turning his eyes away from this clear threat from China?

　　　With the overwhelming power of the US steadily declining in contrast to China’s rise, the world is entering an era totally devoid of super powers, maintains Ian Bremmer, the founder of Eurasia Group—a global political risk consultancy. What is badly needed at this critical juncture is the ability to correctly interpret the new reality the world faces and adapt adroitly to the changing circumstances, according to Bremmer. To the extent that it has excessively relied on the world order spearheaded by the US, Japan of all nations must monitor such changes with utmost sensitivity. We must make every effort to slip out of an over-dependence on the US at an early stage, putting ourselves on a more normal footing as an independent and strong democracy.

Our Ancient Myths Are Much More Than Simple Tales

　　　In this vein, I earnestly hope that in 2014 we will be mindful of making conscious efforts to concentrate on shaking ourselves free from our spiritual statelessness—a mentality seriously affecting us since the end of the Greater East Asian War and the American occupation of Japan (1945-1952). That we Japanese alienated ourselves from the origin of our culture and civilization has been the single biggest cause of this condition that continues to plague us today.

　　　Every nation has its own proud national history, which more often than not is handed down from ancient times as mythology. People who do not learn from their own history and mythology generally fail to come to grips with who they are and where they come from. When confronted with a crisis, it is virtually impossible for such people to make appropriate judgments or bring their full capabilities to bear. That is why the American occupation twisted Japanese history education, prohibiting classes from teaching mythology. Japan neglected to rectify this policy even after gaining independence in 1952.

　　　Mythology is not a mere compilation of simple tales. It is a condensed history of a nation told in story form, reflecting that nation’s most treasured values based on what ancestors in the distant past have experienced, aspired to, and endeavored to be.

　　　Allow me to make a proposal at the beginning of the new year: how about reading the Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters)? Written in 711-712, the Kojiki best chronicles the origin of Japan. Re-reading it makes one freshly aware that the Japanese have since ancient times consistently shunned arbitrary decisions by those in power and, instead, governed the country by common consent.

　　　Japanese mythology has it that one of the great gods in Japanese mythology, Ookuninushi-no-mikoto, took over, and completed the task of solidifying ancient Japan from the two deities who had created Japan and its gods, Izanagi-no-kami and Izanami-no-kami. In accomplishing this task, Ookuninushi shunned arbitrary decisions and endeavored to win the support of the gods around him. And, when his task was finally completed, he handed over the nation to the Sun Goddess, Amaterasu-o-mikami. That is to say that Ookuninushi did not strive to create Japan for his own sake, but on behalf of the Sun Goddess who was a superior god. In other words, he did his best for the benefit of others, i.e., for the public good.

　　　After being entrusted with a Japan thus molded, the Sun Goddess had her offspring gods and goddesses descend from heaven to put them in charge of governing the new land. Even at the time, according to legend, the Sun Goddess consulted with other gods to determine which of the gods were appropriately qualified for the task. Japan is devoid of an omnipotent god who rules with an absolute divine power, as in Christianity.

　　　As regards this point, Tsuneyasu Takeda, the author of the Kojiki in Modern Japanese (Gakken Publishing, 2011) makes intriguing observations. The heavenly gods in Japanese mythology are indeed not omnipotent, and because of this they may not always understand the actions of the gods on earth, according to Takeda, who is the great-great-grandson of Emperor Meiji (1852-1912). Therefore, it is best to write out in detail the circumstances of one’s requests to the heavenly gods. By stressing the importance of each person first determining on his own what he hopes to achieve, it is not too much to say that it is our Japanese gods who give us our distinct sense of self-awareness as a people and a nation.

Compassion for the Weak

　　　Takeda further notes that in ancient times the heavenly gods could at least hear the tearful voices of the earthly gods, citing as examples the story of the “White Hare of Inaba,” who was stripped of his skin and fur for cheating, and then saved by Okuninushi, also known as Onamuji-no-kami, or the story of a hunter god, Hoori-no-mikoto, who was saved by a god of the sea, Shiotsuchi-no-kami. These stories adequately demonstrate the compassion that the ancient Japanese gods had for the weak.

　　　These values shared by our ancestors permeate through the 17-article constitution—Japan’s first constitution written by Prince Shotoku in 604, more than a century before the Kojiki. The fundamental spirit of Shotoku’s constitution called for the rulers to watch prudently what they did and fully devote themselves to the building of a nation on behalf of the general populace based on principles of fairness. For nearly 14 centuries since then, as demonstrated in the teachings of the domain schools and terakoya private elementary schools of feudal Japan—as well as in the teachings of bushido—the Japanese people have, under the guidance of benevolent leaders, nurtured a remarkable sense of responsibility as citizens.

　　　Those values were incorporated into the Charter Oath of Five Articles (1867) setting the legal stage for Japan’s modernization following the Meiji Restoration. Japan can truly take pride in what the oath represented in terms of a pledge by a newly born modern state determined to join the ranks of the world’s advanced nations. The basic posture of the new Japan as seen through the Oath corresponded to what was richly demonstrated in the 17-article constitution, as well as the Kojiki, calling on the new leadership to build a nation by heeding the opinion of every single Japanese regardless of his station in life. And it was at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 that the basic principle of fairness that the Meiji Japanese leaders advocated regarding man’s individual integrity blossomed in the international community. Toward the creation of the League of Nations at the end of World War I, Japan powerfully proposed the abolition of all forms of racial discrimination as the standard operating principle of the international body.

　　　The Japanese proposal was rejected by the US. However, throughout World War II, the Japanese values of detesting racial discrimination remained unshakable. Wasn’t it amply proven by the fact that the Japanese government committed itself to saving Jews where it could, despite its alliance with Nazi Germany? These Japanese actions were an expression of a national determination to create a world without racial discrimination.

　　　Having maintained its silence since the end of the Greater East Asian War, a period of more than 60 years, Japan is now being asked to step forward and play a larger role in international affairs—particularly in checking China’s often irrational behavior. In order for Japan to contribute to building a better international community, I sincerely hope that in 2014 we will spare no effort to connect with our origins as we strive to reestablish our true identity.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” in the January 2-9, 2014 combined issue of The Weekly Shincho)