Relations between Tokyo and Seoul look to be worsening. Viewed from Japan, the administration of President Park Guen-Hye appears to be intensifying its criticism of Japan for reasons difficult to comprehend. We must objectively analyze the causes for Korea’s persistent anti-Japanese words and deeds while at the same time not attempting to curry Seoul’s favor. The problems lying between our two nations will remain unresolved interminably unless Japan states its case logically and tenaciously as an upstanding democracy commanding the respect of the international community.

　　　Let us for a moment reflect on what we in Japan regard as unreasonable and abnormal Korean objections to Japan’s behavior. On May 14th, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited regions in Miyagi Prefecture that were ravaged two years ago by the megaquake and subsequent tsunami. During a visit to a Japan Air Self-Defense Force base, Abe climbed aboard a T-4 training jet emblazoned with a rising sun and the number 731. In a flare of emotion, a columnist with a major Seoul daily linked the number with memories of the infamous Unit 731ーa Japanese biological and chemical warfare research facility which covertly carried out experiments on Chinese during World War IIーwriting that the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bombings were “divine punishment” on Japan.

　　　When the Japanese government announced the results of a public opinion survey on the disputed Takeshima islets (called Dokto in Korean) on August 1stーthe first of its kind in post-war Japanーthe South Korean government protested, describing the survey as “renewed provocative actions.” Little do the South Koreans seem to realize that it was the provocative actions on their part, including the illegal landing on Takeshima in August of 2012 by then President Lee Myung-Bak, that have caused the Japanese to sharply increase their awareness of the importance of the Takeshima issue and prompted the Japanese government, which had for long chosen to keep a low profile, to suddenly resort to measures to increase Japan’s territorial claim over the islets. Then on August 13th, 12 members of South Korea’s main opposition, the Democratic Party, landed on Takeshima, and on the following day, some 40 members of the government Saenuri Party followed suit, further throwing oil on the fire.

　　　In May 2012, the Korean Supreme Court ruled that Koreans are entitled to compensation for war-time forced labor in Japanーa decision that could shake from its very foundation the post-war process agreed upon between the two countries under the terms of the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations.

　　　On July 28th, at the Jamsil Olympic Stadium during a Japan vs South Korea match at the East Asian Cup soccer tournament, hard-core Korean soccer fans unfurled a huge banner that read: “A nation that forgets its history has no future.” This despite the fact that utilizing sports events for political purposes is strictly banned by international sports federations.

　　　In a country that is on an extraordinary anti-Japanese spree on all frontsーin the media and the justice system as well as among politicians and the general populaceーanother sorry incident had happened just the day before. South Korean authorities refused entry to the country to Ms. Oh Seon-Hwa, a Korean-born naturalized Japanese citizen who serves as a professor at Tokyo’s Takushoku University and who is also a popular commentator and a prolific writer, having written many books critical of South Korea. No reason was given for the refusal at the time, according to Ms. Oh. I recently had a chance to ask her about the circumstances.

　　　On August 16th, Ms. Oh appeared as guest on an Internet television show I host every Friday evening, entitled “Your Small Step Can Change Japan’s Future.” Ms. Oh was on the same show in late May, discussing the deteriorating relations between Tokyo and Seoul.

　　　“I flew to Seoul on July 27th for my nephew’s wedding,” Ms. Oh recalled. “When I arrived at Inchon Airport a little after 11 a.m., I was ushered into a separate room, where I was kept waiting for an hour and a half. The wedding was slated for 3 p.m. and I asked them to let me through immigration as soon as possible, as I did not want to be late. But they kept repeating that my case was being investigated.”

“South Korean Mass Media Suppressing Their Own Freedom of the Press”

　　　Ms. Oh explained that six years ago during the Roh Moo-Hyun administration, she flew into South Korea to attend the funeral of her mother, only to be told that she was not eligible for entry. At the time, she managed to enter Korea after vowing to authorities she would not engage in any activities unrelated to the funeral. The Japanese embassy in Seoul came to her aid as she had already been naturalized in Japan by then.

　　　“Oh, no, they are going to do it to me again, I thought initially,” she confessed. “But at the same time, I least expected the South Korean authorities to refuse me entry in this day and age on the basis of my activities as a writer and commentator.”

　　　But she said she still was hopeful that she would be let in, as she had been smoothly admitted into South Korea on her two visits earlier this yearーin March and late April. The situation was quite different this time, however. But why was she refused entry out of the blue?

　　　“There was absolutely no explanation,” emphasized Ms. Oh. “I didn’t see the news itself, but understood later that NHK Television reported on this incident and checked with the authorities in Seoul, who apparently replied that they could not answer the question because ‘an individual’s private matter’ was involved, but that they had provided me an explanation. This was not true, because I was given no explanation other than that it was an order from above, according to an officer on the spot.”

　　　The officer then gave her a form that said “Entry Refusal Notice” at the top, telling her to put her signature on it. The column that was headlined “Reason” had been left blank. Ms. Oh refused to sign the form.

　　　“I have been genuinely saddened by this incident,” remarked Ms Oh, explaining:

　　　“In recent years, Korean pop culture has become extremely popular in Japan, with many Japanese taking a growing interest in South Korea, thinking that the nation, considerably modernized and with its economy steadily growing, is fundamentally not much different from Japan. ”

　　　However, Ms. Oh says the reality is quite different.

　　　“South Korea pursued an abominable foreign policyーstringently anti-Japanese and excessively pro-Pyongyangーduring the Roh Moo-Hyung era. The Roh administration regarded my activities as a commentator and a prolific writer as pro-Japanese, designating me persona non grata. I could　enter South Korea while the Lee Myung-Bak administration was in power, but not since President Park took office. The Park administration is no different from the Roh administration as far as I am concerned.”

　　　What really is going on with President Park? At least part of the answer is reflected in how the South Korean mass media reacted to the latest incident involving Ms. Oh. To one’s great surprise, they criticized herーthe victim of the　incidentーin unison, not the South Korean government which refused her entry.

　　　“They should have taken issue with the government’s action, but the only voices I heard were those attacking me for my criticism of what once was my motherland. After all, the mass media is about freedom of expression. But the sad truth about South Korea is that its mass media is suppressing its own freedom of the press.”

　　　Ms. Oh reasons that Park, with a rather fragile political footing, is desperately trying to implement anti-Japanese policies in order to win the support of the Korean mass media, which she hopes will help stabilize her administration. Against such a backdrop, will she continue to insulate herself further? Is it that difficult to objectively evaluate Japan’s 35-year rule over Korea which in fact provided the foundation for South Korea’s developmental miracle after World War II?

　　　Asked if she got any moral support from her long-time friends as well as her colleagues in the same fieldーscholars and journalists who are supposedly committed to freedom of expressionーshe replied, “None.” To me, her acknowledgement of “genuine sadness” is an expression that reflects her profound sense of desolation.

Contempt for Japan before Being Anti-Japanese  

　　　“A long time ago, there certainly were people in South Korea who wrote about or commented on matters relating to Japanese rule over Korea based on a fair perception of history,” remarked Ms. Oh. “However, all of these people have been ostracized…While some scholars still discuss (the positive evaluation of Japanese rule) in their theses, there is a tacit societal understanding that such studies should neither be pursued openly nor related to posterity in view of a likely adverse reaction from the general populace. “

　　　There will be no real progress for a nation that is devoid of freedom of learning and speech. Just how far have South Korea’s politicians, bureaucrats, and average citizens gone in their campaign against Japan?

　　　Ms. Oh had this to say: “In the South Korean mass media, Prime Minister Abe is portrayed almost like a demon. And if someone were to steal a statue of the Buddha from a Japanese temple, it wouldn’t be considered a bad thing; in point of fact, such an act more often than not attracts praise as a job well done.”

　　　Behind such twisted sentiments on the part of the South Koreans, Ms. Oh sees a contempt for Japan that comes before their sense of anti-Japanismーa product of a persistent anti-Japanese education pursued by successive Korean administrations from Singman Rhee down. Rhee was the nation’s first president, serving three terms from 1948 to 1960.

　　　During the Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla periods in ancient Korea, the Koreans boasted a radiant culture and civilization, as they imported the Chinese system of writing and Buddhism. The Koreans believe that their ancestors subsequently passed on Chinese culture to the Japanese, which allowed Japan to become a civilized country. And yet, as the Koreans see it, the Japanese had the audacity to later invade Korea twiceーonce during the era of Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598) and once more in the 20^th century, when Japan ruled Korea for 35 years (1910-1945). To the Koreans, these thankless acts on the part of the Japanese are simply unpardonable, according to Ms. Oh.

　　　“At the root of their consciousness is an unconditional conviction that the Koreans were once far superior to the Japanese,” continued Ms. Oh. “And yet they found themselves later subjugated by this ‘sub-standard’ race. This can hardly be condoned. In the Korean mind, there clearly exists a contempt for Japan which comes before the anti-Japanese sentiment.”

　　　Matters are complicated by the fact that an inferiority complex and a superiority complex are more often than not two sides of the same coin. Unfortunately, the Koreans’ basic contempt for Japan hardened into a general anti-Japanism before they were able to come to terms with their complicated emotions. The Japanese must come to grips with this point coolly and objectively, recognizing well the need to develop a strong national foundation capable of thwarting any attempt on the part of Korea to mock Japan.

　　　On August 18th, the conservative Sankei Shimbun reported that Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corporation is considering paying compensation for war-time forced labor by Koreans if the Supreme Court of South Korea reaches a decision favoring the plaintiffs in a case now being heard. Four South Koreans who claim to have been forced into unfair labor in Japan during the war have brought the case. This type of settlement, not based on fair and logical appraisal of the issues involved, can only contribute to nurturing a stronger contempt for Japan and cause anti-Japanese sentiments to flare up still further on the part of the Koreans. Japan has maintained that the issues pertaining to war reparations for South Koreans were settled once and for all under a compensation agreement concluded between Tokyo and Seoul when they normalized diplomatic relations in 1965 after nearly 15 years of tedious negotiations.

　　　At this juncture, Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal must proceed in a logical and rational manner. How they act will have important bearings on Japan’s national interests.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 571 in the August 29, 2013 issue of The Weekly Shincho)