Now that Yoshihiko Noda has somehow managed to enact a highly contentious consumption tax increase under his Comprehensive Social Security and Tax Reform initiative last August, I think it is time for him to resign his position as prime minister. I say this because in virtually all of the cases involving vital domestic and international issues that his administration has tackled since the passage of the tax bill last August, I have been appalled to observe an utter absence of consistency of policies as well as a lack of earnest determination to safeguard our national interests.
　　　Let us take the issue of the nationalization of the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, for instance. The primary significance of nationalizing these islands lies in the government’s decision to go ahead and build facilities, such as an anchorage and a lighthouse, thereby enabling fishermen and the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) personnel to land on the Senkakus whenever necessary. These are the actions Japan should take to demonstrate that it owns the territorial rights to – and is in effective control of – these islands and the seas surrounding them.
　　　However, the Noda administration is extremely timid about changing the status-quo over the islands, despite spending our tax money for their purchase. During a meeting of the UN General Assembly September 27, Noda appealed for the “resolution of territorial disputes based on international law.” But he should realize that denying Japanese citizens’ landings on the islands while keeping the islands unattended will certainly not help Japan’s territorial claim over the Sensakus in terms of international law. On the contrary, it could invite Chinese aggression. Mr. Noda’s logic concerning nationalization of the Senkakus is absolutely inconsistent.
　　　And so is his policy concerning the future of the nation’s nuclear power generation. Although the government has recently announced that it intends to stop using nuclear power by the 2030s, it has so far failed to specify how and where it plans to obtain auxiliary energy sources. The administration talks about the possibility of realizing the development of renewable energy sources as if it were an empty dream. One day, the government presses on with its “no nuke” announcement without specifying how it plans to implement such a daring policy; then the next day, bowing to objections from local governments embracing nuclear power plants, as well as opposition from the US, it in effect is forced to quickly change its just-announced “non-nuclear” principle. The administration should be given credit for switching the policy, but by failing to explain the process through which the decision was made, it brazenly evades its political responsibility.
　　　Another example of the government’s lack of consistency involves the human rights bill that was approved by the cabinet on August 19. The bill is designed to set up a human rights commission, which is scheduled to create bodies dedicated to human rights protection across Japan. The bill was approved during a cabinet meeting unattended by some ministers bitterly opposed to it; they were conveniently overseas that day. The cabinet reportedly approved the controversial bill at the behest of Seiji Maehara, then chairman of the Policy Research Committee of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and one of the avid advocates of the bill. If the bill is enacted with the government’s human rights definition as vague as it is at present, an independent human rights commission with legal binding force as powerful as the Fair Trade Commission would be set up.
　　　This could create serious problems. If, for instance, non-Japanese residents are given the franchise in regional districts, as the bill advocates, they would qualify for positions in local human rights commissions, entitling them to indict individuals or organizations for “discrimination or human rights abuse or other human rights violations.” There is more than just a little danger of this bill being abused for political purposes. I would consider it quite natural that the political aptitude of Mr. Noda, who as prime minister had his cabinet approve this questionable bill using such dubious tactics, should be seriously questioned.

A Fabrication of Our Discussions

　　　In addition, a totally unexpected development has surfaced in connection with the establishment of new houses for princesses when they marry outside the Imperial Family. NHK (the publicly owned Japan Broadcasting Corporation) reported on September 29 that the government will shortly release the final summation of discussions held over the course of this year on this subject among leading experts on Imperial Household matters, with the aim of submitting legislation to next year’s regular Diet session. NHK said the points at issue have been classified into two ideas; one, female members of the Imperial Family will, after marriage, retain their status by establishing “houses headed by imperial princesses”: and, two, female members of the Imperial Family will be allowed to participate in activities to promote the Imperial Family as “national government employees” (after they marry and lose their old status.)
　　　The news was shocking to me in two respects. Firstly, more than one official had previously said that the Noda administration would only sort out the issues concerning the matter but would not seek cabinet approval or send a bill to the Diet, leaving that to the next administration. According to sources, the administration took this position obviously because it is by no means properly qualified to discuss the status of the Imperial Family which constitutes the very core of Japan’s history, or revise the current Imperial Household Law (IHL). But in reality, the exact opposite turned out to be the case: looming ahead is a move to go ahead with revision of the IHL under the Noda administration.
　　　Let me explain what the second shock was about. The government says the points at issue have been compiled on the basis of discussions held among 12 specialists over a total of six sessions since last February, and yet none of the participants who expressed their views during the discussions, including myself, was quoted by name. What grossly disturbs me is that the government arbitrarily and out of the blue introduced the second of the two plans – that female members of the Imperial Family will be allowed to become “national government employees.” This is not a summation of our discussions, but rather a fabrication of them. If what NHK reported was true, then the Noda administration must be seen as being in the vanguard of those who wish to banish the Imperial Household to obscurity.
　　　A day before the NHK report, the liberal mass-circulation national daily Asahi reported on the issue of female Imperial Family members without any mention of the possibility of their becoming “national government employees.” However, that story included what one could see as a covert reference to the NHK report. The Asahi pointed out that the proposal that female Imperial Family members retain titles such as “imperial princess” after losing their imperial status following marriage – the so-called “honorifics plan” – “could infringe on the Japanese constitution, which stipulates universal equality under the law.” The daily noted that, because the proposed use of imperial honorifics involves a risk of violating the constitution, it would be necessary to “come up with new titles, other than those honorifics, for former female members of the imperial family.” Putting a particular emphasis on this point, the NHK report made no secret of supporting the government plan to make female Imperial Household members “government employees” after marriage.
　　　Of the 12 of us who expressed their views, not a few supported the “honorifics plan.” Despite that, the Noda administration is all out to reject this plan, even going so far as to cite “the constitution” and “universal equality under the law.” Obviously, the DPJ administration places an extremely high value on the current “peace” constitution, and is making every effort to force the Imperial Family, with its 2,670 years of tradition, to adjust to the limits of a document that was imposed on Japan just 65 years ago following Japan’s defeat in World War II. It goes without saying which of the two is more authentic and dear to the Japanese – the Imperial Family, or the constitution written by the Americans after the war. By misplacing their values and getting their priorities backward, the Noda administration is showing a malicious contempt for Japanese history, culture, and the Imperial Family itself.

A Denial of History

　　　It would not be outrageous to describe the values permeating through the current constitution as the root cause of virtually all of the problems Japan faces today. Take a moment to think why the Noda administration refuses to do anything about the defense of the Senkaku Islands even though they have been purchased from a private owner and are now the property of the government. I believe the primary reason is that, influenced deeply by the masochistic view of Japan’s own history on which the Japanese constitution is based, the administration is extremely fearful of what China might think – and do – if Japan should take steps to solidify the defense of the islands. Also, it is because members of the Noda administration, along with many other Japanese politicians, have lost the vigor to stand up for the defense of their motherland, including the Senkakus, after having so long clung to the fantasy of the goodwill of the international community as Japan renounced war, discarding a fiery spirit for national defense and a steadfast commitment to building up credible military power.
　　　Over the long course of Asian history, Japan is the rare nation which has refused to become China’s vassal state or tributary. Japan has long been able to remain a proud nation savoring independence and self-determination because it has fought for the defense of its land and seas in times of crisis. Therefore, the most important issue on the political agenda for the incumbent government, as well as all opposition parties, should be to make every effort to revise this constitution, which has played a major role in denying and making us forget our past. As part of this revision, the status of the Imperial Family which has been twisted and slighted, must be significantly modified.
　　　Looking back at how the Noda administration has attempted to manipulate the discussions about the issue of female Imperial Household members after marriage, I am keenly made aware that the administration does not qualify to be in charge of revision of the IHL. The major premise for the discussions set by the Noda administration was separation of the issue of the female members from the male-line imperial succession issue. However, the two issues cannot possibly be separated, logically speaking. Establishment of the “house of an imperial princess” will inevitably lead to creation of a female-line emperor, severing Japan’s long treasured tradition of male-line imperial succession. Any discussion of matters pertaining to the Imperial Household with one’s eyes shut to this vital aspect is nonsense, and any prime minister who goes along with such discussions would be hard put to defend himself when charged with having no intention whatsoever of safeguarding the tradition of male-line imperial succession.
　　　And then there was also the matter of fabricating the record of the discussions on these issues held by experts in the field. No longer can we entrust him – a prime minister who brazenly condones discussions with pre-determined conclusions – with matters relating to revision of the law governing the Imperial Household.
　　　I have a very short wish list for him: Mr. Prime Minister, would you please issue a final report that faithfully reflects the views stated by the twelve of us during our discussions. Beyond that, please do not bother to do anything. Simply pack up and leave office as soon as possible.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 529 in the October 4 issue of The Weekly Shincho)