A deep sense of despair grips all of Japan today. However, one can see cause for great hope for its future as well.

　　　In exchanging views with Japanese from all walks of life, the need to revitalize Japan is invariably emphasized time and again. Practically everybody views the present state of affairs in Japan as critical, convinced that it is necessary to deal not only with the immediate problems of the day but to also grapple with more fundamental issues of rejuvenation.

　　　The depth of this sense of crisis on the part of a cross section of people in Japan is not unrelated to the extensive damage sustained from last year’s earthquake and tsunami and the subsequent high degree of incompetence shown by the Japanese government in failing to cope with the crisis.

　　　The changes thoughtful Japanese are trying to bring about must be fundamental in nature, leading to a true rebirth of the nation. With this in mind, the first step must be to revise Japan’s “peace” constitution. Lively discussions are currently taking place in various circles across Japan as efforts are made to restructure the nation’s fundamentals through changes to the constitution.

　　　The leading opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) is aiming to submit its final proposal on constitutional revision to Parliament by April 28, which falls on the 60^th anniversary of the 1952 San Francisco Peace Treaty.

　　　The Drafting Committee of the LDP’s Constitutional Revision Promotion Headquarters, headed by Kosuke Hori, has strived to arrange intra-party opinions, item by item, through an extensive exchange of views at the grassroots level. Committee members have already reached agreement on crucial points; for instance, the Emperor has been positioned as a “sovereign,” with the national flag and anthem respected as emblems of the nation. In point of fact, these are the most important elements needed to achieve a comprehensive rejuvenation of Japan.

　　　Meanwhile, the conservative Sankei Shinbun newspaper has set up a People’s Constitution Drafting Committee, which is reported to be planning to complete a draft constitution and make it public by May next year.

　　　Professor Tadae Takubo of Kyorin University, who serves as the committee’s chairman, had this to say on March 26 at its first session: “The constitution of any other nation conspicuously reflects their history, tradition, and culture. But that absolutely is not the case with our constitution, which fails to reflect the heritage of a nation that once had distinct national characteristics marked by a culture revolving around the imperial household, respecting harmony and cherishing peace.”

　　　After World War II, a string of values that constituted the core of Japanese identity quickly went down the drain, leading to the present day Japan in which its people fail to recognize what accounts for their very existence, deprived of so basic a factor as a resolution to pursue autonomy and independence. This is all the more reason why the first step towards Japan’s revitalization should definitely be for people to come to grips with who they really are and to clearly define their national characteristics in a well-concerted effort to implement national rejuvenation.

The Emperor as Chief Shinto Priest

　　　Japan is a nation that has over the centuries built a gentle culture centering around the Emperor, whose role it always has been to be the chief Shinto priest praying for the well-being of his people and state. Except for a few relatively brief periods, the Emperor has been far removed from the seat of power. Historically, he has protected the people with prayers, and they have been tightly united around the imperial household. Because the Emperor represents the symbol of the unity of the people, the nation was deeply touched by the many tireless visits he made to the afflicted areas in East Japan following the March 11 disaster.

　　　No nation is, or should be, devoid of a sovereign. In Japan, no one is better qualified to assume this post than the Emperor, who has continued to pray over the course of centuries for the welfare of his people and state as the chief Shinto priest. ﾂ黴€This role is certainly not for politicians, who are entrusted with mere political power.ﾂ黴€ Based on this point alone, it is clear that meaningful revision of the constitution could hardly be achieved by simply modifying certain expressions or sections of articles.

　　　As concerns Article 9, which prohibits an act of war by the state, the LDP draft takes a bold step towards maintaining the Japanese Self Defense Forces (JSDF) in terms of a “Self Defense Army” as the nation’s authentic armed forces, as well as recognizing Japan’s right to collective self defense. Two major mass circulation dailies -€ the Asahi and the Yomiuri -€ are at loggerheads with each other over these matters.

　　　Over the years, the Asahi has regularly conducted public opinion surveys by telephone to mark Constitution Day -€ May 3. The results show those who are opposed to a revision of article 9 constitute the majority of respondents, says the daily, claiming as follows: In 2008, 66 percent of respondents replied article 9 “should not be revised,” with 23 percent replying it “should be revised”; in 2009, 64 percent replied “no,” with 26 percent replying “yes”; in 2010, 67 percent replied “no,” with 24 percent replying “yes”; and in 2011, 59 percent replied “no,” with 30 percent replying “yes.”

　　　Although the figures fluctuate somewhat year to year, a predominant majority has been against revision. However, do the daily’s figures truly reflect the real state of affairs? Here is how the Asahi spells out its question pertaining to a possible revision of article 9:

　　　“Article 9 of the Japanese constitution stipulates that Japan renounce ‘war and threat or use of force.’ Do you think it is better to revise the article, or leave it as is?”

　　　I find this question quite unfair and misleading, as it makes it absolutely impossible for respondents to come to grips with the problems that have resulted from Article 9. I seriously wonder if such a question can be trusted to draw accurate replies from respondents.

　　　Forming a pronounced contrast with the Asahi is theYomiuri, which actually conducts surveys through the interview method -€ not by phone. In its survey conducted last February, 54 percent of respondents favored revision of the constitution, with 30 percent against it. As regards Article 9, 39 percent replied it “should be revised because its implementation through ad-hoc interpretations and applications has reached its limits,” while exactly the same percentage of respondents (39%) said there is no need to revise the article. However, those who replied Japan has and should exercise the right to collective defense rose to 55 percent, reaching a majority for the first time in the survey’s history.

　　　The most important role of the state is to defend its people and territory -€ land and sea -€ on its own. China has more power than ever before, and its desire for further territorial expansion is crystal clear. The People’s Daily, the official organ of the Communist Party of China, has started referring to the Senkaku Islands as a “core interest.” Taking offense at Japan’s recent naming of a number of isolated Japanese islands in the East China Sea, the Chinese have come up with, and publicized, their own names for the same islands around the Senkakus. They then began what they termed as “regular surveillance cruises” in the waters around the Senkakus, including use of a large-size marine surveillance ship, the “Haijian 50,” which belongs to China’s State Oceanic Administration. This was a blatant violation of Japanese territorial waters. On March 16, the “Haijian 50” again violated Japanese territorial waters near the Senkakus before joining four other surveillance ships, including the “Haijian 66,” for joint training, which actually was intended to be a demonstration of power, near the Shirakaba Natural Gas Field -€ a disputed gas field in the East China Sea between the two countries.

Golden Opportunity to Rebuild Japan from Its Foundation

　　　Obviously, Japan no longer is able to effectively cope with the geopolitical changes of the 21^st century by merely continuing to resort to broad interpretations of Article 9, which is akin to using cheap tricks. It is time for Japan to display a strong resolution to safeguard its sovereignty and ensure its survival. In this vein, the LDP’s readiness to revise Article 9, re-establish the JSDF as a national armed force, and recognize Japan’s right to collective self-defense is absolutely correct.

　　　The LDP plan also strives to revive traditional Japanese values, emphasizing the importance of the family -€ which the existing constitution fails to do -€ as well as the value of duty and responsibility, which the existing constitution ignores while only playing up people’s rights and freedoms. I would also like to discuss the plan of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) for these same issues. However, I am sadly unable to do so, as the Democrats have yet to come up with their party principles regarding the varied aspects of the “peace” constitution unfitting for today’s Japan.

　　　However, the non-partisan “Federation of Parliamentarians Aiming to Revise Article 96” was formed in June last year. It has so far managed to collect signatures from 260 (out of a total of 722) members of both chambers -€ the Lower House and the Upper House. Article 96 stipulates that motions by more than two-thirds of both chambers are needed to revise an article. In other words, an article’s revision can be prevented with only one third of all of the parliamentarians objecting to it, which in my opinion runs counter to the spirit of democracy.

　　　The federation is striving to adopt a simple majority vote as the basis for revision in accordance with the rules of democracy.

　　　When Article 96 is revised, we will finally be able to regain our indigenous constitution, which slipped out of our hands following the end of the war. Now is a golden opportunity to revitalize Japan from its foundation, especially when many thoughtful Japanese are seriously questioning what Japan as a sovereign state should be. In this connection, I wish to report that I have assumed the post of the representative of the private Special Council on the Constitution since last November.

　　　I am sincere in my desire to pursue a revision of the Japanese constitution with all my might in order to help make Japan the nation it deserves to be, and to help foster magnificent individuals as stars for Japan’s brilliant future. I genuinely expect that it will represent a truly great opportunity for Japan to bounce back powerfully from more than two decades of widespread stagnation.

(Translated from “Renaissance Japan” column no. 504 in the April 5, 2012 issue of The Weekly Shincho.)